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News, 13-17/7/02 (1) FINGER POINTING AT IRAQ * Iraq Weapons Glance INSIDE IRAQ * atlarge Iraq mainheadlines [Saddam executes fishermen] * Excerpts from Saddam Hussein's interview * Iraq Lets Polish Diplomats Travel Again: Diplomat IRAQI/INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS * Cosying up to Iraq could prove costly * Pakistan Questions Iraqis in Attack * Iraq accountable for misdeeds: Straw IRAQI OPPOSITION * 'Saddam kills strong men' * Iraqi opposition leaders warn US and Britain not to invade * Exiled generals promise civilian rule in new Iraq * Iraqi dissidents 'seek change and the removal of tyranny' FINGER POINTING AT IRAQ http://cgi.worldnews.com/?action=display&article=14630018&template=baghdad/i ndexsearch.txt&index=recent * IRAQ WEAPONS GLANCE The Associated Press, 13th July By the end of 1998, U.N. inspectors had been unable to account for numerous weapons and chemicals used to make weapons believed to have been in Iraq's armory. Iraq declared it had held certain weapons but that all weapons had been destroyed. The inspectors left in December 1998, hours before U.S. and British aircraft began four days of air and missile strikes against suspected weapons facilities. The Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington think tank, made the following estimates of Iraq's remaining stockpiles, based on statements from U.S. and U.N. officials: CHEMICAL WEAPONS Mustard gas: Iraq declared 550 tons to 650 tons to U.N. inspectors. Experts estimate Iraq probably could make an additional 220 tons with chemicals believed in its inventory. Mustard gas is a banned weapon first used during World War I. Nerve agents: Declared between 110 tons and 165 tons and probably could make an additional 220 tons. Sarin and tabun are common nerve agents. VX: Declared at least 4 tons and probably could make an additional 220 tons. VX is an extremely deadly nerve agent. BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS Anthrax: Iraq declared 2,245 gallons of concentrated, weapons-grade anthrax; United Nations believes Iraq could have made three or four times that. Botulinum toxin: Iraq declared 5,125 gallons of weapons-grade toxin; United Nations believes Iraq could have made twice that amount. Gas gangrene: Iraq declared 90 gallons of weapons-grade material. ‹Unaccounted-for delivery systems: Scud ballistic missiles: Two to 60. Scud warheads: 45 to 70. Rockets: Between 15,000 and 25,000. Aerial bombs: 2,000. Artillery shells: 15,000. Aerial spray tanks: Unknown. ‹‹‹ Source: Anthony Cordesman, Center for Strategic and International Studies. INSIDE IRAQ http://hoovnews.hoovers.com/fp.asp?layout=displaynews&doc_id=NR20020714670.2 _0b9e0006587c400e * ATLARGE IRAQ MAINHEADLINES {This is indeed all that is given as a headline] Hoover's (Financial Times), 14th July London - Iraqi President has executed several fishermen from the Duleimi tribe. The massacre took place at al-Tharthar Lake, 120 kilometers north of Baghdad, where the Iraqi strongman has constructed several palaces and hideouts. The man-made lake is rich in fish and other forms of sea life. It used to supply Mosul, Iraq's second largest city, and other towns with fish. But Saddam has declared the huge lake off-limits following the building of several palaces on its shores. He has also placed a ban on the use of firearms and dynamites in its vicinity. The move came following reports that U.S. President George W. Bush has authorized the CIA to use all tools to get rid of him. Informed sources told Iraq Press that Saddam is no longer moving around in his convoy of limousines and hundreds of bodyguards equipped with various weapons including anti-tank and anti-air missiles. To keep his movements under wraps, the sources say Saddam is now using simple means of transport and has clamped a complete blackout on his movements and visits. The last time he was in Tharthar he heard explosions which his bodyguards allegedly attributed to Duleimi tribesmen fishing in the lake. The sources said Saddam was so incensed that he ordered their execution on the spot, fearing that the explosions might have been part of a coup to to kill him. The sources did not say how many fishermen were exactly put death by Saddam. The killing is said to have angered the elders of Duleimi tribe, whose members inhabit the desert west and north-west of Baghdad. The restive Duleimi tribe rose against the regime in a popular rebellion in Ramadi in 1996 when one of its members, a senior air-force officer, was executed allegedly for plotting to kill Saddam. Fishing is a pastime which Saddam enjoys immensely and has palaces and retreats in major lakes in the country. Ponds and lakes, which he also uses as fish farms, are a fundamental feature of his palaces. He has banned the use of explosives and poison in fishing in Iraq and threatened violators with serious consequences, which include hefty fines and long prison terms. But Saddam might have viewed the Duleimi fishermen's alleged use of dynamites in a lake where the has his most beloved palaces as a defiance which he could not tolerate. http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/monitoring/media_reports/newsid_21320 00/2132533.stm * EXCERPTS FROM SADDAM HUSSEIN'S INTERVIEW BBC, 16th July Excerpts from the Saddam Hussein interview published in several Arab newspapers, in which he said he believes the USA is threatening the whole of the Arab world, and not just Iraq. [Saddam Hussein] The Arabs are the subject of a savage onslaught. They faced many invasions and wars in the past by the Moguls, the Tartars, the Crusaders, and now the US-Zionist invasion of the Arab World represented by Palestine and Iraq... Among the things on which the people of the one Arab nation differ is foreign intervention, which seeks to drive a wedge between them and deepen their differences. It wants to exploit their differences in its interest and the expense of our nation... The foreigner will not let the nation heal its wounds and rise above its differences, since this conflicts with its interests. He seeks to divide the nation. The foreigner is using every means to dominate the nation in order to increase its illegal share in the strategic location and resources of this nation Therefore, the nation must close its ranks, rise above its differences, and concentrate on confronting the enemy... The whole Arab nation is a target. This is not the battle of Iraq, but of the entire Arab nation... As to our brethren in the Gulf, we have announced more than once and stated in official work committees and Arab summit conferences, the latest being the Beirut conference that we want to turn a new leaf in the history of inter-Arab relations. But, whenever the United States and Zionism see us close to convincing others on our relations with our Kuwaiti brethren they would fabricate things so as to deepen the hatred and estrangement between brethren... We had several members of the ruling family, officers and non-commissioned officers from the Kuwaiti army and members of other Kuwaiti families [since the 1991 Gulf War]. We gave them the choice between staying here in Iraq and returning to Kuwait. They chose to return. We treated them with full respect and returned them in a most respectful way that befitted their position. The heroic [suicide] operations in Palestine shall be recorded in the history of our nation with letters of light. I consider these martyrdom acts and the steadfastness of the heroic Palestinian people as steadfastness by the Iraqi people... Every Arab must view these acts from this viewpoint; that is, he has carried out his work fully and this is the true Arab spirit. The commando operations in Palestine are now our asset and give us the power. They must not drag us from one position to another, as if the big issue now is whether Yasser Arafat stays or leaves his post, and we forget the whole of Palestine. The enemies are trying to push the Arabs from one position to another and make them pant after those stands, while Israel does not budge an inch. It is indeed a sorrowful situation. We must all understand that Iraq is targeted. Therefore, all the ideas and views that are written or discussed in the news media must serve Iraq and the Iraqi people in their confrontation of the tyrannical forces. Otherwise, some pens and views would deal with non-essential issues, thereby diverting attention from the confrontation of the enemies of Iraq and the Arab nation. http://www.tehrantimes.com/Description.asp?Da=7/17/02&Cat=4&Num=005 * IRAQ LETS POLISH DIPLOMATS TRAVEL AGAIN: DIPLOMAT Tehran Times, 17th July WASHINGTON -- Iraq has decided to lift restrictions on travel abroad that has led to severe hardship for Polish diplomats representing U.S. interests in Baghdad since April, a senior State Department official said Monday. "The Iraqis have got back to the Poles and said they can return to the way things were before," the official told Reuters on condition of anonymity. Iraq banned overland travel to and from Iraq by the diplomats in April and the United States says commercial flights to and from Baghdad violate UN sanctions imposed after Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990. The effect was to trap the Polish diplomats in Baghdad for long periods but most of them were able to fly to Jordan on a plane that had brought humanitarian supplies to Iraq. Because of the hardship, the only Polish diplomat left at the U.S. Interests Section in Baghdad is its chief, State Department Spokesman Richard Boucher told a briefing on Friday. He accused Iraq of "gamesmanship" and another U.S. official said the United States had demanded an end to the restrictions. A diplomatic source said Baghdad informed Warsaw verbally that Polish personnel and their families could again travel overland from Baghdad to Amman, Jordan, and Damascus, Syria, using border crossings. The United States has no diplomatic relations with Iraq so its interests are represented by Polish diplomats. The Algerian Embassy similarly is Iraq's "protecting power" in Washington. The United States has vowed to see Iraqi President Saddam Hussein out of office and President George W. Bush has declared Iraq to be a member of an "axis of evil." IRAQI/INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS http://www.news24.com/City_Press/City_Press_News/0,1885,186 187_1213464,00.html * COSYING UP TO IRAQ COULD PROVE COSTLY by Larry Benjamin News 24 (South Africa), 13th July Last week South Africa played host to Tariq Aziz, Iraq's deputy prime minister. Why? The reasons for inviting Aziz may on the surface appear to many to be mystifying and, at best, a case of very poor timing. More broadly, it raises a general concern about South Africa's penchant for embracing certain regimes (such as Libya and Cuba) that have acquired the status of pariahs in the international community. More than a year ago Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz Pahad issued a general invitation to Tariq Aziz to visit South Africa. The decision was probably based on a naive belief that he represents a more moderate strain within the Iraqi government. Although apparently coincidental, Aziz's visit comes after the breakdown of yet another round of talks between instransigent Iraqi officials and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan concerning the return of an international weapons inspection team in Iraq that would seek to verify Iraq's claim that it has abided by UN resolutions and has ceased all efforts aimed at acquiring weapons of mass destruction. Additionally, at the very time that South Africa seems to be cosying up to Baghdad, the Bush administration's attitude to Iraq has hardened. Iraq, together with Iran and North Korea, was labeled as being part of an "axis of evil" by President George W Bush in his State of the Union address earlier this year. Plans to invade Iraq with the overriding and unambiguous purpose of overthrowing the regime of Saddam Hussein are currently being vigorously debated in US military and political circles and such an operation may be actualized as early as January 2003. According to leading human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the regime in Baghdad continues to be one of the most overtly repressive, not only in its own region, but on a global scale. The decision to roll out the red carpet for Aziz, at almost the same time that the African Union was being launched, therefore seems incongruous and baffling. South Africa's relations with the Arab world are motivated almost exclusively by economic imperatives and have never been encumbered by concerns such as democracy, human rights or good governance, principles that supposedly will lie at the bedrock of Nepad and the AU. Notwithstanding a genuine and laudable concern for the humanitarian catastrophe that confronts Iraqi civilians as a result of more than a decade of sanctions and equally as a result of Baghdad's failure to adequately distribute humanitarian relief supplies, Pretoria's engagement with Iraq is overwhelmingly predicated upon a desire to reap economic rewards that will accompany the lifting of sanctions against Iraq. Companies such as Eskom, who have apparently reached an "understanding" with the Iraqi Electricity Commission, seem poised to be among those likely to profit. By engaging with Iraq, South Africa is also able to demonstrate to some of its detractors, that this country is not acting as a surrogate of the developed states in south-south forums such as the Non Aligned Movement or the AU. By adopting positions on at least some issues that are clearly at variance with US policy, Pretoria may hope to enhance its international influence. This too may prove to be a costly illusion. Policy makers in this country clearly believe that establishing nascent ties with Iraq's political and business elite makes good sense and is in the national interest. This simply is not the case. The current policy of engaging Iraq has clearly been influenced to some degree by Iraq's apparent reintegration into mainstream Arab politics. Pretoria has also no doubt taken cognisance of the crumbling sanctions edifice against Baghdad and the widespread opposition to US and British efforts to maintain a policy of containment against Saddam's regime. But this very failure by Washington and London to maintain an international coalition against the Iraqis now makes a military operation almost inevitable. If such an operation achieves its aim of toppling Saddam, the people of Iraq would have been truly liberated because their rights and hopes have been systematically crushed by the calculated and cruel actions of their own government South Africa, as chair of Nam and in its private capacity, should be calling for sanctions against Iraq to be lifted as soon as Iraq accepts a genuinely impartial weapons inspection team back into Iraq. South Africa should make known to the US and Britain its opposition to any military adventurism against Iraq and should stress the need for a diplomatic solution. However the reality is that a regime change in Iraq, effectuated by massive military action is now a distinct possibility. It is therefore more important for South Africa to demonstrate its solidarity with the Iraqi people, whose primary enemy is its own regime. By so doing, Pretoria will offload the hypocrisy that underscores its current policy and will, instead, remain true to its own declared commitment to promoting human rights, democracy and good governance. Clearly any new order in Iraq will also come closer to embracing those objectives than the current dictatorship ever would. Moreover, if South Africa adopts a policy informed by moral principles and not just economic considerations, the material benefits that may come our way in a post-Saddam Iraq may be all the greater and the more deserved. Larry Benjamin is director of the Middle East and South Asia Project at Wits University. http://cgi.worldnews.com/?action=display&article=14670983&template=baghdad/i ndexsearch.txt&index=recent * PAKISTAN QUESTIONS IRAQIS IN ATTACK The Associated Press, 16th July ISLAMABAD, Pakistan: Pakistani police and security agencies are questioning two Iraqis in connection with the March 17 grenade attack on a church in Islamabad in which two Americans and three others were killed, an official said Tuesday. The official, Munawar Ali, refused to say why the Iraqis has been picked up for questioning in the attack but said authorities had received permission from a court to hold them. Ali described the Iraqis as uncooperative. An Interior Ministry official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Iraqis were detained Sunday in Islamabad. The attack on the Protestant church in Islamabad's diplomatic quarter prompted the United States to withdraw nonessential diplomatic staff and family members of embassy employees. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=16152077 * IRAQ ACCOUNTABLE FOR MISDEEDS: STRAW Times of India (from AFP), 16th July BEIJING: British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw on Tuesday used a speech in China to blast Iraq as an international "cheat" which must be brought to account for its misdeeds. Straw's address to students at Beijing's elite Tsinghua University further ratchets up the rhetorical heat against the Iraqi regime as speculation heightens that the United States wants to invade the country as part of its war against terrorism. Straw, on the second day of a two-day visit to China, condemned nations which were unaccountable to international rules. "The greatest challenges at the beginning of the 21st century come from terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and states where the rule of law has broken down," he said. Among these, he singled out the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein for special criticism. "We share responsibility to hold the cheats, such as Iraq, to account," Straw told an audience of students at the university's economics department. The threat of a US-led strike against Iraq has appeared to grow in recent weeks, with American President George W. Bush pledging to use "all tools" at his disposal to remove Saddam. US newspapers have also carried leaked military documents purporting to lay out detailed plans for a potential war on Iraq -- a prospect to which China has repeatedly expressed opposition. Straw also singled out North Korea, another high-profile foe of Britain and the United States but a close ally of Beijing, for condemnation over its alleged sales of weapons of mass destruction. "North Korea's continuing refusal to abide by its commitments under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and Agreed Framework is another grave cause for concern," Straw said, referring to international weapons accords. China has also faced condemnation, mainly from Washington, for not doing enough to halt the spread of advanced weaponry. However, while Straw reminded his hosts of their obligations he did so gently and in general terms. "There is obviously responsibility in arms exporting nations -- the UK and China included -- to take all necessary steps to end it," he said. He additionally urged China to work with the UN Security Council, of which both countries are permanent members, and other world bodies to form an "international rule of law" over counter-terrorism, peacekeeping and conflict prevention. "In the coming decades, I think it likely that all states will adopt international standards in various fields from environmental protection and trade to human rights," he added. On the first full day of his visit Monday, Straw met President Jiang Zemin, vice premier Qian Qichen and Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan in Beijing. The issue of Iraq was raised in the talks with Tang, a British official said later that day. Straw is due to head to Tokyo from Beijing later Tuesday before stopping off in Hong Kong on Thursday and India on Friday. IRAQI OPPOSITION http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,7-355786,00.html * 'SADDAM KILLS STRONG MEN' Andrew Billen Interview with Ahmad Chalabi The Times, 15th July The urbane public-school educated businessman Ahmad Chalabi could be the next leader of Iraq, if the US deposes Saddam. But as Iraqi opposition groups meet to discuss a new leadership, many are already questioning whether he has become too controversial to do the job well The phrase "regime change" is so anodyne that it would best be confined to the beauty pages: farewell dandelion facial scrub; hello camomile moisturiser. Instead it has become a scary diplomatic euphemism, probably dreamed up deep in the Pentagon, for something bloody and nasty that will result in the dictator Saddam Hussein being removed from Iraq perhaps even before the end of the year. President Bush and Tony Blair are both committed to it as phase two of their war on terrorism. British and American spies are apparently on the ground inciting riot. At the weekend, 70 exiled Iraqi officers met in London to discuss tactics. Let's assume what we should not ‹ that everything goes to plan ‹ and then ask the next question: a change to what and to whom? The whom could just be sitting before me in his office in Knightsbridge. He is Dr Ahmad Chalabi, a businessman, maths professor, and the leading figure in the Iraqi National Congress, an umbrella grouping of anti-Saddam organisations. He is 57, married with four children and speaks beautiful, witty English, learnt at Sussex public school in whose cadet corps he also gained map-reading skills that proved remarkably useful 35 years later when he led a military insurrection against Saddam. This afternoon he is dressed in an expensive tweed jacket that looks as if it has slithered off the peg from Harrods across the road. Officially he is merely one out of six of the INC's executive council, whose members include the heir to the Iraqi throne, Prince Sharif Ali, but he is universally regarded as the first among equals. He insists that he is not a candidate for the Iraqi presidency but does not deny that he believes his destiny is to help rebuild Iraq into a functioning democracy. Entifadh Qanbar, the INC's Washington director, is less discreet. He has said of Chalabi: "He will be Saddam's replacement and the world, not just Iraq, will be a better place for it." Cynicism tells me that Chalabi is a probably an American puppet, bankrolled by the CIA, and living it up in London. The idea of the West grooming him as the next President sounds very Prisoner of Zenda and, knowing America, it has probably backed the wrong horse anyway (for one thing Chalabi is a Shia Muslim, which would most likely make him unacceptable to Iraq's Sunni-dominated neighbour, Saudi Arabia). My prejudices receive a boost when his assistant tells me that Chalabi is "not a morning person", and he won't reach his office until midday. Late nights at the casino, I assume. I am wrong on all counts. Far from a US stooge, Chalabi has been on terrible terms with the CIA and State Department ever since he began blaming them for the failure of the 1995 coup. Although he has his supporters in the White House, his friends in Washington lie mainly in Congress. As for America subsidising a playboy lifestyle, he is, for one thing, independently wealthy and does not need the cash. For another, he's too donnish to be interested. When we later have dinner, it is at a ridiculously cheap kebab house in the East End of London, where the staff welcome him as a regular. "We also like Wagamama a lot," he says. Earlier, in his office, spartan except for some garish modern paintings by Iraqi artists, I ask about his background. His reply turns into a short history of Iraq, an indication of how, despite his English urbanity and passport, his identity is wrapped up in that of his native land. "Iraq is, of course, the cradle of civilisation," he begins. Pythagoras' Theorem was known in Iraq a thousand years before Pythagoras was born. Some of the first agricultural settlements in the world were in Iraq, as were the first seriously politically organised cities. The first written code of law was drawn up in Iraq in the 18th century BC. Millennia later, when the Kingdom of Iraq was established by the British in 1921, there was a constitution, a Parliament and, relatively speaking, free elections. So, the idea that Iraqis are a fanatic, fundamentalist and primitive people incapable of governing themselves is a nonsense? "Complete nonsense." Chalabi's family arrived in Iraq from Syria at the time of the last Ottoman conquest of Baghdad in 1673 and soon established themselves as prominent citizens. His grandfather was an MP in the 1920s Parliament and his father, a wealthy grain importer, also became an MP and senator. The youngest of six sons and three sisters, Ahmad remembers a happy but politicised childhood. He recalls Harold Macmillan dining at the family home in Baghdad, now the Indian Embassy. His father was head of the senate when a coup d'état left the king murdered in 1958, and would have been killed had he not been out of the country at the time. Ahmad Chalabi, still there, remembers the king's body being dragged through the streets. After the coup, the family moved to England and Chalabi settled into his boarding school on the South Downs. He graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, took a PhD in mathematics in Chicago and taught at the American University of Beirut for seven years. But he was also an entrepreneur. In the 1980s he founded the Bank of Petra, which became Jordan's second largest. His career there ended in 1989 in what the cuttings call "financial scandal". Outraged by this phrase, Chalabi says that the bank had become too powerful and the Jordanians sent in soldiers to take over his business by military decree. Via Syria and the Lebanon, Chalabi returned to Britain and, as he puts it, "started doing my politics". My prejudice that Chalabi is a lounge lizard living high on the American hog rather falls down before his subsequent record, for he did not remain in London long. In 1991 he organised a conference of 400 opposition leaders in northern Iraq, and managed temporarily to reconcile both of the squabbling Kurdish factions. Impressed, the incoming American Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, promised to help the INC overthrow Saddam. In 1992, Chalabi returned and set up base in the north, whose Kurdish population was by now protected by American air cover. During this period, as he planned the rebellion, the INC claims that he survived nine assassination attempts, including poisoning, car bombing and sniper attack. When battle finally commenced in March 1995, Chalabi was with his forces on the front line. But the campaign ended in defeat and 130 INC members were executed. What went wrong? "Nothing. We achieved the defeat of two divisions of the Iraqi Army and over 1,000 officers and men came over to our side. "But the Americans would not help us. We did well, but the Americans immediately pulled the plug from us." Why is America so suspicious of the INC that it won't back it when it counts? "The main reason is that we argue. We are not compliant. We put our point of view forcefully forward and we don't accept things on their say-so. And we have an agenda, an agenda for democratic change in Iraq. Many people who are doing the operational work in America do not share this view. Our message of democracy, human rights, representative government, is a threat to the whole structure of American alliances in the Middle East and the Arab world. They think we are off the wall in that respect." Diplomatically, the INC's greatest victory came in 1988 when, after years of lobbying, Congress overwhelmingly passed the Iraq Liberation Act. Signed by President Clinton, the legislation officially stated that it was US policy to fund opposition groups to establish democracy in Iraq. The State Department got its revenge in January, however, when its auditors charged that the INC had misspent $2.2 million. Despite the INC's detailed 173 page rebuttal, its funding was stopped. In consequence the office we are meeting in is soon likely to close. Chalabi actually seems rather cheerful about this. "We will be free of their shackles," he says. What really cheers him, however, is the hardening of President Bush's attitude towards Iraq. At his ranch in Texas in April, Bush, with Blair at his side, announced that he would remove "this guy Saddam". Chalabi believes that he meant it and thinks that Saddam believes Bush too. But will the INC be part of this regime-change? Chalabi shrugs. "Who they co-operate with is up to them. We don't care any more. It doesn't matter. If the United States is going to go to remove Saddam, there will be a democratic government in Iraq even if they invade the country with hundreds of thousands of troops as some people are advocating. What would the US military do in Iraq? Establish a dictatorship, protect a government which shoots demonstrators in the city? Of course not." I ask if we can be sure that attacking Iraq would not make the region even worse off. Wouldn't Saddam attempt to blow up Israel? "He'll blow something up anyway. He wants to go down in history among the Arabs and Muslims as the modern-day Saladin." And aren't the Kurds, in their safe havens and no-fly zones, quite happy with their quasi autonomy? "The Kurds are not short-sighted. They know that this is an anomalous situation and cannot last." As for the possibility that what replaces Saddam might be worse, he simply cannot conceive it. "This is like saying don't remove Hitler or don't remove Stalin. The issue of removing Saddam is not a significant military problem for the United States. It's not a significant problem." It can be done? "Easily. Without too much difficulty. The United States is capable of doing it in many ways. They have many options. "And many of them will work. The main issue is what happens after Saddam. Iraq is a society which is devastated. Civil society has been systematically destroyed by three decades of Baath Party rule. Half of the people under 20 are illiterate. Schools went to total ruin in Iraq in the past decade. It's ridiculous what's happened in the country, worse than anything that the Middle East has seen for many hundreds of years." So Iraq will take ages to heal? "This is what I'm talking about. What we need is a de Baathification programme like a de-Nazification programme. We must develop structures, we must train people. We must train judges, prosecutors, people who would investigate crimes, human-rights activists." What worries independent experts on the region I have spoken to is whether Chalabi is up to this job. One deeply unimpressed former security adviser to the White House told me: "If the Americans think they can just parachute Chalabi in, they must be crazy." Ghassan Atiyyah, the elderly but diamond-sharp editor of the London-based Iraqi File, believes that behind the front of public reasonableness Chalabi lacks the gift of being able to work in a team. The umbrella of organisations he claims to represent has huge holes in it and to all intents and purposes the INC is a one-man outfit. "Having Saddam in power makes any other candidate for president acceptable," he prefaces his remarks, "and if Dr Chalabi was elected fair and square I would have no problem with him. But if I had a bet with you now, I'd say there's no chance that whatever government follows Saddam will involve Ahmad Chalabi. He has become too controversial. But then, if the democratic process is adhered to, I doubt that many of those presently outside the country would be elected to power." Others merely wonder if such a well-meaning and civilised man could possibly hold the country together. One academic told me he felt fairly sure that America would prefer a friendly general from the Iraqi military to take over. Chalabi has two responses to the proposition that only one of history's proverbial "strong men" could govern Iraq. The first is practical. "The strong man myth said that a strong man would emerge from Saddam's regime (after the Gulf War and overthrow Saddam, but it did not happen because there is no such animal. If there is a strong man and Saddam knows him, he will kill him." His other objection is more deeply felt. "There is a strong element of racism in this thinking that Arabs, and Iraqis in particular, are incapable of modern democracy. It is a very strong element and it angers us. "You made a remark about our image here, that the INC are well-dressed people, sitting in nice offices. Well, we were the only Iraqis to organise a major military campaign against Saddam since the Gulf War. "I lived in Iraq four years and every day we worked against Saddam. "There was danger all the time. But also we played classical music. You don't have to be grimy to be involved in liberating Iraq." Iraq, we must remember, was the cradle of civilisation. He spends the afternoon in meetings, but in the evening I join him with three INC officials in their favourite restaurant, Chalabi using his fingers to toss me rather more kebabs and lamb cutlets than I need. Some of the chatter is prurient gossip about Saddam's sex life. Some centres on the United States's unreasonableness. There are plenty of morale-boosting anecdotes demonstrating that "our spies are smarter than their spies". The correct response seems to be incredulous laughter. But the table hushes when the INC's security chief tells us how he met the professional assassin whose shots crippled Uday, Saddam's son, as he was leaving a nightclub five years ago. Our bizarre conversation conducted over pitta bread and CocaCola impresses upon me that one quality any future Iraqi leader will need is bravery. Deep down Iraq may well be a civilised nation, but for 50 years its leaders have been proposed and deposed by the bullet and not the ballot box. Not the least impressive manifestation of Chalabi's courage is that, in a grimy world scarcely concealed by euphemism, he dares to sound too good to be true. http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/story.jsp?story=315091 * IRAQI OPPOSITION LEADERS WARN US AND BRITAIN NOT TO INVADE by Kim Sengupta Independent, 15th July 2002 Iraqi exiles expected to participate in a future government of their country warned yesterday that an invasion by American and British troops would bring widespread destruction without removing Saddam Hussein. Opposition leaders stressed that a large-scale offensive by Washington and its allies would not be supported by opponents of the Baghdad regime, either inside or outside Iraq. In response to repeated reports of the Bush administration preparing for war, with a 250,000-strong force, a number of prominent Iraqi defectors insisted that more focused, specialist strikes would have far more chance of success. In London, where more than 300 opposition military and political leaders are taking part in the first conference of its kind, delegates said large-scale Western attacks on Iraq were unnecessary because most Iraqi forces would turn against President Saddam at the outbreak of hostilities. A former major-general, Najib al-Salhi, said: "The United States will not find support inside or outside Iraq for an offensive that would harm civilians, destroy infrastructure, and target troops not defending the regime. "Any campaign must be limited to toppling Saddam. The army will not defend him and neither will the Republican Guard [elite troops thought to be loyal to the Iraqi leader]." In Kuwait, a former Iraqi intelligence chief also warned Washington that a land war could leave a desperate Iraqi regime with no option but to use weapons of mass destruction. Wafiq al-Samarrai said: "The US should know that Saddam will not hesitate to use weapons of mass destruction on American military groupings. Diplomacy is the only choice for the United States." Mr Samarrai, who is close to Ahmad Chalabi, the leader of the exiled Iraqi National Congress seen by some in Washington as a possible post-Saddam leader added: "If that fails then another option is an intelligence operation that targets the regime only. "Efforts must focus on core issues to topple the Iraqi regime by choosing the best, quickest, and least costly method for the Iraqi people and regional states ... carrying out a swift intelligence operation." The opposition leaders are also concerned that the US and Britain may incite Iraqis to rise against President Saddam and then fail to help, as happened at the end of the Gulf War. Another former major-general, Tawfiq al-Yassiri, who led an uprising in southern Iraq at that time, and was wounded when Iraqi forces crushed the rebels, is among senior officers counselling caution to compatriots inside Iraq. They point out that it was the US President's father, George Bush Snr, who abandoned the rebels, and that some members of his administration were back in power in Washington. The appearance at the conference of Prince Hassan of Jordan, an uncle of King Abdullah, increased speculation over the likelihood of war. Leaked Pentagon reports have stated that Jordan has agreed to become one of the bases for a US attack. This, however, has been denied by the king. http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,755342,00.html * EXILED GENERALS PROMISE CIVILIAN RULE IN NEW IRAQ by Brian Whitaker The Guardian, 15th July Exiled Iraqi officers meeting in London backed US efforts to remove Saddam Hussein yesterday, but promised they would not seek to replace him with another military regime. The 60 former senior officers, several with the rank of general, avoided grappling with blueprints for overthrowing the president. Apparently aiming to reassure Iraqis that a change of regime would not result in another dictatorship, they approved a military charter of honour, declaring their readiness to join "any effort to establish a new democratic federal regime, based on the rule of law and civil society". They said they would welcome "any foreign help" to get rid of Saddam Hussein's regime, and urged all Iraqi soldiers, inside and outside the country, to work together to achieve this aim. It was the first time that so many defectors from the Iraqi army had been able to meet and talk freely. After an opening session at Kensington town hall on Friday night, they moved for security reasons to a three-storey cube of black glass in Neasden, north London, next to a DIY superstore, which is rented by the Iraqi National Congress. A cable through an upper window provided electricity from a mobile generator in the car park. "It's all the Americans' fault," one man complained: the INC has not paid its electricity bill, allegedly because the state department is withholding funds until the group gives a clearer account of what it does with US taxpayers' money. Sources at the meeting said that there was more agreement than many had expected. The main issue debated was whether Iraq should have a federal system of government, which the Kurds strongly favour, because it would guarantee them a measure of autonomy. The Turkoman representatives, and some others, urged that the decision on the system of government should be left to a referendum. But the Kurds said a referendum immediately after the overthrow of President Saddam could inflame ethnic and sectarian rivalries. The charter of honour commits the officers to abide by the decisions of the Iraqi people and to withdraw from political affairs once a change of regime occurs. It says the future role of the army should be limited to "national defence and not [to] committing aggression". Arab analysts said the document would probably attract middle-ranking officers in Iraq, but some in the highest ranks would not welcome its emphasis on democracy. The highest-ranking general in exile, Nizar al-Khazraji, who is understood to prefer rule by a military council when President Saddam is overthrown, was pointedly absent from the conference, which elected a council of 15, without a chairman or a leader but with Brigadier General Tawfiq al-Yasiri as its spokesman. Brigadier-General Najib al-Salihi, one of the central figures at the meeting, predicted yesterday that the Iraqi army would fold immediately if the US attacked. "Morale is at a disastrous level and the troops are sick of continuous war. Saddam will find himself surrounded by a few hundred soldiers," he told Reuters. He also dismissed US con cern about President Saddam's possible use of chemical and biological weapons, saying he did not have the means to deliver such weapons. The US, he said, had to declare that it was only after President Saddam and not his troops, otherwise it would not have the support of the Iraqi people or the army. "This cannot be two armies facing each other. The United States must make it clear that it is only after Saddam's head," he said. He forecast a situation in which President Saddam would go on the run, suggesting that the US aircraft policing the "no fly zones" could be used to back an advance on Baghdad by rebel forces from the north. "Saddam will try to escape, but he will find that he has nowhere to go," Brig Salihi said. "We will not be able to put him on trial. The people will get to him first." [.....] http://news.ft.com/servlet/ContentServer?pagename=FT.com/StoryFT/FullStory&c =StoryFT&cid=1026553497269&p=1012571727172 * IRAQI DISSIDENTS 'SEEK CHANGE AND THE REMOVAL OF TYRANNY' by Guy Dinmore Financial Times, 16th July The Kurdish mountains of northern Iraq lie far from the Shia Arab marshlands in the south. Yet while they may be geographically far apart and culturally distinct, recent meetings between leaders from the two regions indicate closer co-operation in their attempt to agree on the shape of a future Baghdad government. But, according to diplomats, while the two sides may be working closer together - a meeting is believed to have taken place as recently as last week - the main Kurdish factions and the loose coalition of Islamic Shia parties have so far failed to convince the US that they would hold Iraq together, should Washington succeed in ousting Saddam Hussein, the president. His exiled opponents spent the weekend in London discussing how to overthrow Mr Hussein's regime. But while effective links among dissidents are being fostered by the US and the UK, on the ground co-operation between the various groups is more difficult. As it seeks to engineer a change of regime in Baghdad, one of Washington's prime concerns is the role of the Iranian-backed Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq and other Shia Arab groups. The US fears that radical Shia groups backed by Iran could come to dominate large parts of a post-Hussein Iraq. Shia Arabs make up more than 50 per cent of Iraq's population but have been excluded from having a controlling presence in government by the Sunni minority, now dominated by the al Tikriti tribe of Mr Hussein. In 1991, after US-led forces ousted the Iraqi army from Kuwait, Shia Arabs in the south and Kurds in the north revolted against the central government. The Shia rebellion, joined by SCIRI and Iranian elements, soon took on a religious form. After encouraging the Iraqi people to overthrow Mr Hussein, the US stood back. Its allies among the ruling Sunni families of the Gulf Arab states and Turkey, with its restive Kurdish minority, were not alone in fearing establishment of a pro-Iranian regime or the break-up of Iraq. Given a free hand, Baghdad soon crushed the uprisings. Since that defeat, Ayatollah Mohammad Baqir al-Hakim, the exiled leader of SCIRI based in Iran, has dropped the Islamic rhetoric. In an interview with the Financial Times, the robed cleric spoke of the need for a multi-party government for Iraq "with all Iraqis taking part". "We want change and the removal of tyranny. We have no aim of playing a leading role in Iraq," he said. Asked whether SCIRI would support a US attack on Iraq, the ayatollah indicated that his organisation would not remain idle. His hosts in the Islamic republic, branded as part of an "axis of evil" by George W. Bush, US president, are opposed to any attempt by Washington to impose change in Baghdad, fearing they would be next in line. "If an attack does take place, we will take measures according to the prevailing condi tions. It is a matter for the future. We have said before we would not join the US or the Iraqi regime, but what will happen will determine our situation," Ayatollah Hakim said, adding that the SCIRI has had contacts with the US. Iranian analysts estimate SCIRI has a small force of 12,000 fighters, mostly based in Iran and assisted by the Revolutionary Guards. Ayatollah Hakim declines to reveal numbers but insists he has a popular-based army inside Iraq. Complicating the picture are splits emerging within SCIRI as factions jockey for future power. According to Iranian press reports, the Al-Dawa group, which enjoys ties with Iran, has broken away. Nonetheless, leaders of the main Kurdish groups, which have proposed a federal solution for Iraq, maintain close contact with Ayatollah Hakim. Jalal Talabani, head of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), met the ayatollah in Tehran in May to discuss the outcome of secret talks he held with Massoud Barzani, leader of the rival Kurdish Democratic party, and members of the US administration in Germany and Virginia. More than 20 per cent of Iraq's population is believed to be Kurdish. Barham Saleh, regional prime minister, said the PUK enjoyed good relations with Ayatollah Hakim. "I believe that the US, if they are serious about Iraq, have to deal with realities like Hakim," Mr Saleh told the FT. "There is acknowledgement in Washington that Hakim is an important figure and can't be ignored. The Shia must have a say and a role." Nonetheless, US policy - to establish a "pluralistic, broad-based government" - appears to fall short of demands by both Kurdish factions for the formation of a federal state to protect the interests of Iraq's three main ethnic groups. While the rival Kurdish forces and diverse Shia Arab groups have a mutual interest in talking up their democratic credentials and desire to preserve a single Iraqi state, it remains to be seen whether the US is convinced of their ability to share power. However, Colin Powell, US secretary of state, has angered the Kurds and Ayotollah Hakim by describing Iraqi opposition forces as weaker than the US-allied Northern Alliance and Mr Hussein as stronger than the Taliban. _______________________________________________ Sent via the discussion list of the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq. To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-discuss To contact the list manager, email casi-discuss-admin@lists.casi.org.uk All postings are archived on CASI's website: http://www.casi.org.uk