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News, 16-23/04/03 (3) NEW WORLD ORDER * Bush call to lift sanctions on Iraq leaves EU cold * France and Russia prepare for battle over UN sanctions * Blair is in thrall to the myth of a monolithic modernity * Open the books on oil-for-food * William Safire: Will Chiracism hold back Iraq? * France Meets U.S. Halfway on Iraq Sanctions Lift NERVOUS NEIGHBOURS * Powell plans talks with Syrian president * American pressure on Syria dominates regional press * Turkey's Iraq odyssey ends in tragedy * US has no legitimate right to Iraqi oil and lifting of sanctions must wait, say neighbours * Israeli writer calls for Iraqi-Palestinian-Jordanian merger under Hashimites NEW WORLD ORDER http://english.aljazeera.net/topics/article.asp?cu_no=1&item_no=2793&version =1&template_id=277&parent_id=258 * BUSH CALL TO LIFT SANCTIONS ON IRAQ LEAVES EU COLD aljazeera.net, 17th April A United States call to lift United Nations sanctions on Iraq drew cool reactions on Thursday, including a Russian warning against the plan. Diplomats warned that securing an accord may be difficult. European Union leaders urged the US to let the United Nations and EU help rebuild Iraq. The leaders, eager to bring international organisations back into play in the Iraq crisis called for "a central role" for the UN and a significant EU part in reconstruction that Washington is determined to dominate. Moscow, a fierce opponent of the US-led war, said the US suggestion appeared "mercenary". French President Jacques Chirac, who also opposed the war, insisted that the United Nations must decide exactly how sanctions on Iraq should be lifted, after the collapse of Saddam Hussein's government. The two-day informal EU summit in Athens, meant to welcome 10 new members to the bloc, sought ways to work with the United States now that the fighting has passed. Anti-war states France and Germany said they were ready to be pragmatic. In general, the EU and its leaders gave a cautious welcome to the Bush suggestion of lifting sanctions on Iraq, but their comments were littered with words like "conditions" and "modalities", codewords that signalled there would be no simple wave of the pen to end the 13-year-old sanctions. The European Union's Greek presidency said the sanctions should be lifted once the situation had "normalized" on the ground. "Obviously, the embargo has to be lifted," Greek Prime Minister Costas Simitis told reporters after two days of EU meetings in Athens. But before this happens he said there has to be a "general normalisation" on the ground. But in Moscow a foreign ministry official said Russia will oppose the proposal until UN inspectors confirm the country has no weapons of mass destruction. "Regime change in Baghdad is not a condition for lifting economic sanctions on Iraq," the official said on condition of anonymity. Some pointed out that it will be difficult to fully lift the sanctions until a new and internationally recognised government takes control over Iraq. "We should determine just what the United State is after -- something seems wrong, the approach is too mercenary," he said. Chirac, speaking in the sidelines of an EU summit in Athens, also reiterated his desire to proceed "pragmatically" now the war is all but over. "Faithful to its principles, France will naturally broach these questions in a pragmatic manner, case by case," he said, adding that he had discussed the issues with United Nations chief Kofi Annan. Asked how France expected to work with the US and British forces in Iraq, Chirac replied "in the way which will be defined by the UN." On the issue of lifting sanctions, one diplomat warned, "This issue could prove very divisive right now. If you lift sanctions you lift the control of the United Nations in what is going on in Iraq." The sanctions are the main leverage that Security Council members, including anti-war France, Germany and Russia, have to persuade Washington to give the UN a political role in turning shattered Iraq into a prospering democracy. Analysts say Washington wants to lift the sanctions quickly so Iraq can sell oil and pay for reconstruction, but UN resolutions say this depends on the world body certifying that Iraq is free of weapons of mass destruction. --- Al Jazeera with agency inputs http://news.independent.co.uk/world/politics/story.jsp?story=398255 * FRANCE AND RUSSIA PREPARE FOR BATTLE OVER UN SANCTIONS by Anne Penketh The Independent, 18th April Russia and France served notice yesterday that they would not be steamrollered into lifting United Nations sanctions against Iraq. The leaders of the anti-war camp remain a force to be reckoned with because of their veto power within the UN Security Council. The US President, George Bush, set the scene for weeks of negotiations on Wednesday when he called for the 12-and-a-half year old economic sanctions to be lifted. Although it must pain his administration to do so, America is obliged to go through the UN to legitimately exploit Iraq's oil revenues and to secure international recognition for the post-Saddam government that will eventually emerge in Baghdad. Russia's Foreign Minister, Ivan Ivanov, reacted to Mr Bush's demand by retorting yesterday: "This decision cannot be automatic. It demands that conditions laid out in corresponding UN Security Council resolutions be fulfilled. For the Security Council to take this decision, we need to be certain whether Iraq has weapons of mass destruction or not." The French President, Jacques Chirac, also hinted of the battle to come by stressing: "Now it is up to the United Nations to define the modalities of the lifting of sanctions." Russia, backed by France, has long called for the sanctions to be lifted on the ground that Iraq no longer holds enough weapons of mass destruction to constitute a threat. France and Russia can play the spoilers on two fronts. They can set their terms for the lifting of sanctions and, in the meantime, continue to argue over contracts for the humanitarian oil for-food programme which is administered by the UN pending any change to the embargo. A virtual guerrilla war is going on in the UN sanctions committee, which decides which humanitarian contracts can be honoured, with the UK and US on one side, and Russia and France on the other. The current phase of the programme runs until 12 May, at which point the Security Council will have to take an urgent decision on whether the roll the programme over for another few weeks or months or whether to bite the bullet and lift the sanctions. Until now, it has always been the US which argued that sanctions needed to be kept in place. Now that France and Russia's views must be sought for a new UN resolution, they are likely to argue for the return of UN weapons inspectors to certify that weapons of mass destruction have been eliminated, in line with international law as enshrined in UN resolution 687. That will put them at loggerheads with the US which has already despatched a parallel team of US experts to Iraq to hunt for banned weaponry. Under the sanctions regime that has been in place since the 1990 invasion of Kuwait, the oil embargo can only be lifted when the Council is satisfied that all weapons of mass destruction have been eliminated. When the Council is united, it can rewrite its own decisions with hardly a backwards glance, as it did when it suspended sanctions against Libya. But with tension in the UN so high, such a scenario smacks of wishful thinking. France and Russia, which have pushed for the UN to retain a central post-war role in Iraq, may use the opportunity to address the post-war situation, and to push for a resolution authorising the UN to rule the country through a special representative, as happened in Kosovo and East Timor. The US Ambassador to the UN, John Negroponte, said officials in Washington are still discussing the specifics of lifting sanctions. "We visualise some kind of a step-by-step procedure with respect to post-conflict resolutions," he said. "Certainly one of the issues we're going to have to deal with early on is sanctions." France and Russia also have financial considerations to be settled, stemming from Iraq's pre war debt to them which runs into billions of dollars. http://politics.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,9115,939512,00.html * BLAIR IS IN THRALL TO THE MYTH OF A MONOLITHIC MODERNITY by John Gray The Guardian, 19th April Tony Blair's unswerving support for the US attack on Iraq may not seem to have anything much to do with his determination to remould Britain's public services, but they are both applications of a single big idea. Like the neo-conservatives in Washington, Mr Blair believes there is only one way of being modern and it is American. The prime minister's incessant mantra of modernisation is sometimes seen as an alibi for unprincipled pragmatism. In fact it is testimony to a deep conviction. He believes that modernisation is a process that can have only one result, the universal spread of American style market states - and that anyone who resists this happy outcome is struggling against the irresistible forces of history. The belief that modernisation is a unilinear historical process is not new. The neo conservatives are only the latest in a long line of thinkers. Karl Marx and John Stuart Mill had very different visions of what it means to be modern, but they were at one in believing that it would be the same everywhere. They absorbed this belief from the Positivists - an early 19th-century intellectual movement founded in France by Henri de Saint-Simon and Auguste Comte that is almost forgotten today, but which was enormously influential. The Positivists believed the motor of historical change is the growth of scientific knowledge. As science advances and new technologies are invented, the religions and moralities of the past are cast off. Humanity is free to use science to achieve unprecedented levels of prosperity in a new kind of civilisation based on reason and secular values. The Positivists were an exotic bunch, who saw themselves as creating not only a new kind of science but also a new religion, complete with its own liturgy. Followers were instructed to cross themselves several times a day by touching their foreheads at the points where the pseudo-science of phrenology located the impulses of benevolence, progress and order. New costumes were invented, including some with buttons up the back. If people had to seek the help of others in putting on their clothes and taking them off, the Positivists believed, humanity would become more cooperative and altruistic. In these and other ways Positivism had a good deal in common with the cranky cults so common in the late 19th and 20th centuries. At the same time it had a profound influence on politics and social science, shaping the prevailing faith in modernisation. For the Positivists - as for Mr Blair - modernity can only mean one thing: and it is always good. In fact there are many ways of being modern, some of them monstrous. Hitler was an uncompromising modernist who used new technologies to commit genocide. Stalin created a terrorist state in Russia in a desperate attempt to turn it into a modern industrial society. Al-Qaida is commonly described as a throwback to pre-modern times, but actually it has more in common with the Baader-Meinhof Gang than it does with the mediaeval Assassins. The idea that the world can be remade by terror is not peculiarly Islamic. If anything it is distinctively western. All this may seem an exercise in intellectual history remote from current events, but it is not. The war in Iraq was masterminded by neo-conservative ideologues who believe that global terrorism is the result of the failure of Arab societies to modernise. Paul Wolfowitz's grandiose scheme for remaking the Middle East embodies the dangerous myth that the only way to peace in the region is to emulate America - in the American deputy defence secretary's eyes, as in Mr Blair's, the very paradigm of modernity. By seeking to impose a monolithic modernisation on Arab countries, the US is preventing them from finding their own paths to development. As can already be seen, the result can only be to boost fundamentalism. Far from fostering secularism and liberal values, the destruction of Saddam's Ba'athist regime is strengthening radical Islam. As things stand it looks as if postwar Iraq may suffer the fate of Lebanon and become a chronically weak, fragmented state. But if it does hold together it will not be a democracy on the Washington or Westminster model. It could well be more like Iran after the fall of the Shah. If the neo-conservatives' vision of modernisation in the Middle East is based on a misreading of conditions in the region it also embodies a bizarre view of America. They never tire of repeating that a combination of free markets with democracy is the only sustainable model of modern development. They seem not to have noticed that the US became what it is today behind a wall of tariffs. Protectionism is a venerable American tradition that is fully honoured by President Bush, whose administration is implementing a version of Reaganite military Keynesianism. Moreover, it came to power as a result of electoral processes that can hardly be described as a model of democracy. Most seriously, the neo-conservatives have a blind spot regarding the singularities of American development. This paradigm of modernity is like no other advanced industrial society. Nowhere else is religion so pervasive or so politically powerful. In which other country has the head of state felt it necessary to declare himself neutral in the quarrel between Darwinism and creationism? In the monocular neoconservative view of modernisation, every society in the world will eventually follow America in becoming a secular democracy. In reality, the US is a less secular regime than Turkey. If America is at the cutting edge of modernity, so is fundamentalism. By embracing the neo-conservatives' distorted view of the world, Mr Blair has implicated Britain in a dangerous military adventure whose end is nowhere in sight. At the same time he has impoverished politics. We can all see that public services have collapsed and are in need of urgent reform. But why must that mean injecting market forces and private capital into practically every corner of health and education? The crisis in the public services is partly the result of just such policies. Again, contrary to some liberal commentators, rising crime is a real problem. But does this mean that - unlike any other European country - Britain must follow the US in banging up ever-increasing numbers of people behind prison bars? The advance of science and technology is an unstoppable process, but it has no built-in end or purpose. In every area of policy there are collective choices to be made. Thinking of modernisation as a single unidirectional process has the effect of narrowing these choices. When Mr Blair came to power he promised an end to ideology. In the event, by embracing the neo-conservative view of modernisation he has renewed it. History has not come to an end, but serious politics very nearly has. It is not only in the Middle East that a monolithic view of modernity is dangerous. John Gray is the author of Al-qaida and What It Means to Be Modern (Faber and Faber) http://www.iht.com/articles/93832.html * OPEN THE BOOKS ON OIL-FOR-FOOD by Claudia Rosett International Herald Tribune, 21st April NEW YORK: President George W. Bush's call to lift economic sanctions against Iraq would mean the end of the United Nations oil-for-food program, which has overseen the country's oil sales since 1996. Not only are France and Russia likely to object, but they may well support efforts by Secretary-General Kofi Annan to modify the oil-for-food system, which is due to expire on May 12, and give it a large role in rebuilding the country. Whatever Annan's reasons for wanting to reincarnate the operation, before he makes his case there's something he needs to do: open the books. The oil-for-food program is no ordinary relief effort. Not only does it involve astronomical amounts of money, it also operates with alarming secrecy. Intended to ease the human cost of economic sanctions by letting Iraq sell oil and use the profits for staples like milk and medicine, the program has morphed into big business. Since its inception, the program has overseen more than $100 billion in contracts for oil exports and relief imports combined. It also collects a 2.2 percent commission on every barrel - more than $1 billion to date - that is supposed to cover its administrative costs. According to staff members, the program's bank accounts over the past year have held balances upward of $12 billion. With all that money pouring straight from Iraq's oil taps - thus obviating the need to wring donations from member countries - the oil-for-food program has evolved into a bonanza of jobs and commercial clout. Before the war it employed some 1,000 international workers and 3,000 Iraqis. The Iraqi employees - charged with monitoring Saddam Hussein's imports and distribution of relief goods - of course all had to be approved by the Ba'ath Party. Initially, all contracts were to be approved by the Security Council. Nonetheless, the program facilitated a string of business deals tilted heavily toward Saddam's preferred trading partners, like Russia, France and, to a lesser extent, Syria. About a year ago, in the name of expediency, Annan was given direct authority to sign off on all goods not itemized on a special watch list. Yet shipments with Annan's go-ahead have included so-called relief items such as "boats" and boat "accessories" from France and "sport supplies" from Lebanon - sports in Iraq having been the domain of Saddam's elder son, Uday. On Feb. 7, with war all but inevitable, Annan approved a request by the regime for TV broadcasting equipment from Russia. Was this material intended to shore up Saddam's propaganda machine? It is impossible to find out for certain. The quantities of goods involved in shipments are confidential, and almost all descriptions on the contract lists made public by the United Nations are so generic as to be meaningless. For example, a deal with Russia approved last Nov. 19 was described on the contract papers with the enigmatic notation: "goods for resumption of project." Who are the Russian suppliers? The United Nations won't say. What were they promised in payment? That's secret. Putting a veil of secrecy over billions of dollars in contracts is an invitation to kickbacks, political back-scratching and smuggling done under cover of relief operations. Of course, with so little paperwork made public, it is impossible to say whether there has been any malfeasance so far - but I found nothing that would seem to contradict General Tommy Franks' comment that the system should have been named the "oil-for-palace program." Why, for example, are companies in Russia and Syria - hardly powerhouses in the automotive industry - listed as suppliers of Japanese vehicles? Why are desert countries like Libya, Syria and Saudi Arabia delivering powdered milk? As for the program's vast bank accounts, the public is told only that letters of credit are issued by a French bank, BNP Paribas. Kurdish leaders in northern Iraq, entitled to goods funded by 13 percent of the program's revenues, have been trying for some time to find out how much interest they are going to receive on $4 billion in relief they are still owed. The UN treasurer told me that no outside party, not even the Kurds, gets access to those figures. Lifting the sanctions would take away the remaining UN leverage in Iraq. If the oil-for-food operation is extended, however, it will have a tremendous influence on shaping the new Iraq. Before that is allowed to happen, let's see the books. The writer, a former foreign correspondent for The Wall Street Journal, is writing a book on dictatorships and democracy. http://www.iht.com/articles/93930.html * WILLIAM SAFIRE: WILL CHIRACISM HOLD BACK IRAQ? by William Safire International Herald Tribune, from New York Times, 22nd April WASHINGTON: Why do you suppose France and Russia - nations that for years urged the lifting of sanctions on oil production of Saddam Hussein's Iraq - are now preventing an end to those UN sanctions on free Iraq? Answer: The Chirac-Putin bedfellowship wants to maintain control of the UN oil-for-food program, under which Iraq was permitted to sell oil and ostensibly use the proceeds to buy food and medicine for its people. (In reality, Saddam skimmed a huge bundle and socked it away in Swiss, French and Asian banks.) Iraqis now desperately need all that the country's oil production can buy. But President Jacques Chirac cares little about reconstruction of basic services. He is more concerned about maintaining UN control - that is, French veto control - of Iraq's oil. "Sophisticated international blackmail" is what Senator Arlen Specter, Republican of Pennsylvania, called it on Sunday. Blackmail is the apt word: Unless the United States and Britain turn over primary control of Iraq to the United Nations - none of this secondary "vital role" stuff - Chiracism threatens to hobble oil sales and prevent recovery. This extortion is greeted with hosannas by the thousand or more UN employees and contractors involved in the present oil-for-food setup, many beholden to France for their jobs. And so long as the UN bureaucracy handles the accounting, it is as if Arthur Andersen were back in business - no questions are asked about who profits from the sanctions management. My Kurdish friends, for example, who are entitled by UN resolution to 13 percent of the oil for-food revenues, believe their 4 million people are owed billions in food and hospital supplies. I wonder: In what French banks is the money collected from past oil sales deposited? Is a competitive rate of interest being paid? Is that interest being siphoned off in "overhead" to pay other UN bills? Secretary of State Colin Powell apparently believes that Chirac's new fondness for sanctions could tie up Iraqi oil production with litigation for years. His advice to President George W. Bush is to pay the ransom but nibble away at the sanctions with limited resolutions. I think America should confront the extortion scheme head on and let Chirac use his veto to isolate France further. What other money trails need to be followed? Few doubt that vast Iraqi assets have been secretly transferred out of the country for years, and especially in the prewar months. This is done through cut-outs, phony foundations, numbered accounts, intelligence proprietaries, leveraged currency speculation through proxies in unregulated hedge funds and a hundred other financial devices. Taken together, Saddam's huge haul is now terrorism's central bank account. This kind of money moves not in satchels but over wires. Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain should create a task force of the best computer sleuths at Treasury, the Exchequer, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the Fed, Interpol and the Bank of England to ferret out the hidden billions that belong to the Iraqi people. (Here is how Admiral Poindexter can find gainful employment.) Start with the 200,000 barrels a day of Kirkuk oil that Iraq smuggled to Syria, an illegal pipeline flow ignored by the United Nations but stopped recently by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. Then follow the money: We know that President Bashar Assad of Syria turned an ophthalmologist's blind eye to Saddam's use of the Syrian port of Tartus to import missile fuel components from China and night vision goggles from Russia. In return, Saddam sold Syria oil at a bargain price - say, as little as $5 a barrel. That adds up to more than a billion bucks over a few years in Saddam's personal pocket, placed - ? Money recaptured from the Thief of Baghdad should be used to build new villages for those Arabs he transferred north in his campaign to ethnically cleanse Kirkuk of troublesome Kurds. That would allow a peaceful return of Kurds to their ancestral homes without displacing Arab or Turkmen families. And here's the way the government of New Iraq can save some of the money it now loses by Russia's eager participation in blackmail in the Security Council: Declare that the $10 billion owed by Iraq under Saddam to Russia for unused tanks and planes will be repaid on the day President Vladimir Putin repays the debt incurred by Russia under the czars. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A15655-2003Apr22.html * FRANCE MEETS U.S. HALFWAY ON IRAQ SANCTIONS LIFT by Evelyn Leopold and Irwin Arieff Washington Post, 22nd April UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - In a surprise move, France on Tuesday backed an immediate suspension of U.N. sanctions against Iraq, meeting the United States half way in its drive to get the embargoes lifted. But France's U.N. ambassador, Jean-Marc de la Sabliere, said the U.N. oil-for-food program, which collects Iraq's oil revenues, should be kept under U.N. control for the time being but adjusted to Iraq's current needs. "We should immediately suspend the sanctions," de la Sabliere said. "And about the oil-for food program, we think there should be some adjustment to the program with a view to phasing out this program." De la Sabliere said that financial and some trade sanctions needed to be suspended to enable Iraq to get back on its feet. The Bush administration wants the sanctions lifted entirely and reacted coolly to the French proposals. Unlike Russia, France did not insist that U.N. arms inspectors first verify Iraq no longer had weapons of mass destruction before there could be movement on sanctions. "The lifting of the sanctions, which is, I think the objective of all of us, is linked to the certification of the disarmament of Iraq," de la Sabliere said. "Meanwhile we could suspend the sanctions and adjust the oil for food program with the idea of phasing it out." The embargoes were imposed in August 1990 shortly after Iraq invaded Kuwait. The oil-for-food program, which comes up for renewal in June, is the key to Iraq's spending oil revenues for reconstruction after the U.S.-led invasion that deposed President Saddam Hussein's government. Oil proceeds are deposited in a U.N. escrow account out of which food, medicine and other civilian goods for Iraq are purchased. The French ambassador made the comments to reporters after a closed-door Security Council meeting called to hear a briefing by chief U.N. weapons inspector Hans Blix and discuss the Iraq crisis for the first time since the end of the war. But the United States, in contrast to other council members including Britain, is cool to Blix, who will retire on June 30. Instead it is recruiting former U.N. inspectors from the United States, Britain and Australia to verify any discovery of banned weapons by the military. John Negroponte, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, said sanctions should be lifted rather than suspended as soon as possible and "we look forward to working together with the delegation of France and other delegations toward that end." State Department spokesman Richard Boucher was cooler, saying, "It may be a move sort of in the right direction, some beginning of understanding that the situation is different. But the situation is so much different that there is no reason for the sanctions any more." Negroponte reaffirmed that the return of the U.N. inspection unit Blix heads, the U.N. Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC), was not foreseen. "The coalition has assumed responsibility for disarming of Iraq," Negroponte said. "Now that there is a somewhat more permissive military environment the coalition effort will be substantially increased and expanded." Russia's U.N. Ambassador Sergei Lavrov made it clear that Security Council resolutions tie the lifting or suspension of sanctions to verification by inspectors that Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction, or WMDs. "We are not at all opposing lifting of sanctions. What we are insisting on is that Security Council resolutions must be implemented," Lavrov told reporters. But he said he was "ready to discuss the French proposal." "We all want to know that there are no WMDs in Iraq, and the only way to verify it is to have inspectors in Iraq and to see for themselves and to report back to the Security Council. As soon as they deliver their report the sanctions could be lifted," he said. With the Bush administration ignoring a U.N. role in postwar Iraq, Blix has been faulted by U.S. officials for not coming up with a "smoking gun" on Baghdad's dangerous weapons, a prime reason for the U.S. invasion of Iraq. "We may not be the only ones in the world who have credibility but I do think we have credibility for being objective and independent," Blix told reporters. He denied he was in competition with whatever the United States planned on inspection in Iraq but noted that UNMOVIC had an enormous database with information on what had been said and found in Iraq in the past. Blix said inspectors called in by the United States would be objective. "But at the same time I am also convinced that the world and the Security Council (would) like to have the inspection and verification bear the imprint of independence and of some institution that is authorized by the whole international community," Blix said. NERVOUS NEIGHBOURS http://www.boston.com/dailyglobe2/107/nation/Powell_plans_talks_with_Syrian_ president+.shtml * POWELL PLANS TALKS WITH SYRIAN PRESIDENT by Barry Schweid Boston Globe, 17th April WASHINGTON, AP: Secretary of State Colin L. Powell said yesterday the Bush administration had begun a ''very vigorous diplomatic exchange'' with Syria and he intended to go to Damascus for talks with President Bashar Assad on tensions with Iraq's wartime ally. Insisting anew that Syria expel officials of the fallen Iraqi government who crossed the border, Powell said, ''Syria does not want to be a safe haven in the aftermath of Operation Iraqi Freedom.'' But rather than distancing the Bush administration from the Arab government that aligned itself with Saddam Hussein, Powell said, ''Lots of messages have been passed back and forth'' between Washington and Damascus through US Ambassador Theodore Kattouf, and via Britain, France, and Spain. In fact, Powell told Associated Press Television News he had spoken earlier in the day with Spanish Foreign Minister Ana Palacio ''about messages she might deliver'' when she goes to Damascus this weekend. Beyond that, Powell said, ''I would expect to travel to Syria to have very candid and straightforward discussions with my foreign minister colleague [Farouk al-Sharaa] and with President Bashar Assad.'' He did not say when he intended to visit Damascus, but indicated the stop would be part of a broader trip designed to spur peacemaking between Israel and the Palestinians. For three decades, US presidents have sought to engage Syria in peacemaking with Israel. Even during a recent flurry of US accusations that Syria was assisting Hussein with military technology and providing refuge to Iraqi officials, Powell spoke of such hopes. He has been to Syria twice in what so far has been an inconclusive Bush administration attempt to reopen Mideast peace talks. In Damascus, a Syrian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman said Syria has been continuing a quiet, constructive diplomacy with the United States that belies the tone of US accusations that Syria is sheltering members of the toppled Iraqi regime and harboring chemical weapons. ''Things are not so bad. ... The diplomatic channels are much quieter and much more constructive,'' Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Bouthayna Shaaban said. ''I really take all these statements with a positive tinge to them. The objective is to engage and talk about issues rather than to threaten.'' http://www.dailystar.com.lb/opinion/17_04_03_i.asp * AMERICAN PRESSURE ON SYRIA DOMINATES REGIONAL PRESS Lebanon Daily Star, 17th April ARAB PRESS Aseyassah (Kuwait) The Kuwaiti-based daily Aseyassah, in opposition to the majority of the Arab press, has joined ranks with the United States and Israel in attacking Syria's stance on the war in Iraq. Columnist Ahmed Al-Jarallah wrote: "The pressure being slowly applied on Damascus is an indication the next step will be 'Operation Syrian Freedom.' Senior Syrian officials are haunted by nightmares due to this pressure. However, such thoughts could be eradicated if these officials follow a rational policy, different than that which led to the fall and the removal of Saddam Hussein's regime." He added, "The Syrian leadership should not be a replica of the eliminated Iraqi leadership. Syria should not downplay the capabilities of its enemy, if it considers the United States and Britain enemies. It should deal with the international situation and facts on the ground. Syrians must learn a lesson from Iraq. Arabs, who have been deceived by Saddam's capabilities and huge army, were disappointed and felt they were victimized by Saddam's propaganda and slogans. They discovered Iraqis received allied forces with flowers because they sought freedom. "The international coalition forces, which liberated Kuwait in 1991, should have completed the mission at the same time to liberate Iraqis. These forces will not commit the same mistake in 2003. This is a strong possibility. We hope Syrian President Bashar Assad is aware of this dangerous situation. We hope he will be able to rationally contain this critical situation." Al-Mustaqbal (Lebanon) Al-Mustaqbal's columnist Marwan Mahayni wrote that the recent threats made by Washington's hawks against Syria have come as no surprise to Damascus. If anything, the threats are now "louder and more arrogant." He said that Damascus had always drawn the international community's attention to "Israel's significant arsenal of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons." Damascus, which has often called on Washington to "stop its double standards and view things objectively," was not surprised by Washington's stance of "continuing to overlook Israel's arsenal," its violations of international law and its occupation of other people's land, he wrote. He claimed that Zionist hard-liners now were deeply influencing the decision making process within the US administration and its "oil-soaked President, (George W. Bush) who is up to his ears in his companies and the maze of his monopolies," the paper said. He added that the charges laid against Damascus represented a challenge not only to Syria, and the Arabs, but to every nation concerned about its sovereignty. Asharq al-Awsat (Lebanon) Columnist Ahmad Rabhi, of Asharq al-Awsat, found it strange that young people, "in the prime of their life," were misled by the former Iraqi regime, of President Saddam Hussein, into fighting the US-led forces. "How can people, belonging to Islamic movements across the Middle East fight and engage in Jihad under Saddam Hussein's banner?" he asked. The implication here is that Saddam never really cared about Islam and only used religion as a tool to advance his causes. Rabhi asks, "How can nationalist fighters do the same?" He claimed that the Iraqi youth were the victims of misleading fatwas (edicts) by religious leaders whose pockets were full of money and couldn't care less about the average citizen. Al-Gomhoureya (Egypt) According to this government paper's editorial, "the Iraqis are waking up after the horror of their shock. Demonstrations are being staged all over the country. Martyrdom operations have resurged. The Iraqis do not miss their days under Saddam. However, what they do look for is to achieve security, stability and freedom. The Americans, on their side, believe that setting fire everywhere is essential to burn Iraqi flesh, to destroy the people's property and to lay to waste the country heritage. Afterward, they can congratulate the Iraqis on their newly-won freedom. They will give them foreigners to rule them, telling them this is better, much better than any national government; that this is the surest guarantee against a repeat of the Saddam era. All the signs indicate that Washington is presently working to empty the Iraqi character of its very identity, so that it may be easily led. Will they achieve their goal? I say they will not. Not in a million years. Only the future will provide proof of this. Even though they stand weak and enfeebled at present, soon the Iraqis will regain their strength. Israel will have only itself to blame. The fact will dawn upon it that notwithstanding its plots against a strong regional power, the Arab body, now ailing, will be healed once Arabs reunite their ranks. Only then will we be able to distinguish the white thread from the black." Tishrin (Syria) Government daily Tishrin wrote in its editorial of the US-Israeli "plan" for the Middle East. "They cannot change our history, our geography, our culture, our beliefs, our skin, and more than anything else they cannot erase our memory. They said they came to bring democracy, freedom and justice to the region. They themselves, do not believe that. Deep down they confess that they came to occupy Arab land, hand it over to their agents who will maintain full control and usurp peoples' rights and resources." What attests to this plan is the nature, attitudes and loyalty of the people who will be in charge of the interim government in Iraq, the paper argues. The editorial used the example of US General Jay Garner: "the retired general, a very close friend of Sharon and others like the CIA director James Woolsey who was a "famous CIA director, an active member in the Zionist-Jewish lobby in the US who would also do Israel's bidding. He will be backed by Deputy US Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz who is a member of the Likud party in Israel and another known Zionist supporter. This is the plan in its naked form," the editorial said. ISRAEL PRESS Haaretz Gideon Samet writes in one of Israel's English-language dailies about US President George W. Bush's intentions to seriously push for the implementation of the "road map" in light of the recent victory in Iraq and the soon-to-be formed Palestinian Cabinet. "The test of that determination will be in the near future, when the White House responds to Israeli attempts to erode the diplomatic initiative with dozens of proposed amendments to the road map. If the White House sticks up for itself, the initiative will have a good chance. If it hesitates, that will be the end of it. The problem with the White House is not improperly reading the data about a political struggle with Jerusalem over an Israeli-Palestinian agreement. The danger is that it might prefer another set of data, the one regarding the president's political safety and his chances for re-election. Bush does not need to make any commitment to the Israeli prime minister. The only commitment he should make is for the welfare of the Israelis. And on that score, they have been expressing their opinion for many years - not in holiday interviews that create a passing spin of moderation, but in consistent polls. In them there is clear support for deep withdrawals, settlement removal, and, in effect, any compromise that would bring a gradual end to the conflict. If the American president is not totally decisive about this mission, he will betray the Israeli interest. And if Bush does so because of his personal interests - to enhance his re-election with the help of Jewish votes behind a mask of a flowery vision of peace - he will not find any atonement." Jerusalem Post The Jerusalem Post claims that it is not the US that threatens Syria, but Syria that threatens the US. "Coalition efforts to rebuild Iraq along stable democratic lines will not succeed if the peace of the country cannot reasonably be guaranteed, or if US troops are forced to take stern precautionary measures for their own safety. And an Iraq that descends into anarchy is at least as dangerous, if not more, as an Iraq that remains in the grip of a tyrant. How, then, to deal with Syria?" Shutting down the Iraq-Syria oil pipeline is a useful start, the post said. "A more effective strategy would be to deploy elements of the US Army's Fourth Infantry Division aggressively to patrol the Syrian-Iraqi border. As infiltrators are apprehended, it would give the lie to Syrian claims not to be interfering in Iraq. It would also have a wonderfully clarifying effect on the minds of Syria's military leadership who, unlike Assad, better understand their regime's fragility. Next, the Bush administration should draw up a list of demands on Damascus, specifying the penalties to be inflicted if the demands are not met. The administration should also lay great public stress on Syria's occupation of Lebanon, using UN Security Council Resolution 520 as its touchstone." The newspaper argued that dictatorships understand the difference between rattling one's saber and drawing one's sword, even if democracies often don't. The sooner and more convincingly Bashar Assad is stared down, then, the less likely the chance of war. Then again, should it come to war, that would only mean one awful regime less, not a bad outcome in a region that still has too many of them. TURKISH PRESS The Star Speaking on oil politics in the Middle East, Columnist Zeynep Gurcanli said, "Here's the outcome of the war: With the US invasion of Iraq and the downfall of the country's regime, all of the oil agreements Russia and France made with Saddam Hussein in the past have now been rendered null and void." And Israel has replaced Russia and Germany, two countries dead set against the US war, in the Iraqi oil bazaar. The Israeli government has already begun laying the necessary groundwork to pump oil extracted in the northern Iraqi cities of Mosul and Kirkuk to its own soil. The plan is very simple, namely reopening the long-defunct oil pipeline from Mosul to the Mediterranean port of Haifa in northern Israel. "Apparently the US-led invasion of Iraq meant for Israel killing two birds with one stone. After getting rid of its old foe Saddam Hussein, Israel is now likely to enjoy an opportunity to reduce the nation's energy bill through replacing expensive Russian imports with oil from northern Iraq." However, the Israeli plan is not without its difficulties. There is one obstacle, and a very serious one: the existing administration in Syria. IRAN PRESS Tehran Times The English-language daily wrote in its editorial about the recently concluded meeting in Nassiriyeh that brought together opposition groups including some Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds to pave the way for the establishment of a temporary administrative body in Iraq. The editorial titled: "Nassiriyeh summit reveals the United States' real intention," pointed out that the United States has no intention to share power with the opposition, and if it does accept some sort of power sharing scheme, it will be minimal. "Apparently what was top on the agenda of the meeting was not today's critical condition of Iraq, but to accurately and clearly convey some of Washington's schemes and plans to the Iraqi opposition forces. Thus the United States had in effect imparted to the Iraqi forces that they would be given a small share of the power in the future administration of Iraq." Meanwhile, other meetings similar to the Nassiriyeh are to be held in the southern, central, and northern Iraq. Political analysts believe that the future meetings will unveil the real objective of White House leaders of breaking up Iraq into separate regions. "The Nassiriyeh meeting was just an American political show and had nothing to do with the problem of future administration of Iraq." http://www.gulf-daily news.com/arc_Articles.asp?Article=49366&Sn=BNEW&IssueID=26029 * FIRM TO SUE ANNAN OVER LOST TRADE Gulf Daily News (Bahrain), 18th April A Bahraini trading and marketing company is planning to sue UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the loss of millions of dollars worth of business in Iraq. Samih Rajab, the owner of Al Jazeera trading and marketing company, said he was acting jointly with a number of GCC firms which held Mr Annan personally responsible for losses linked to the UN "Oil for Food" programme. He told our sister paper Akhbar Al Khaleej that his company had signed agreements with the UN programme to deliver food and medicine to UN representatives at points of entry to Iraq. But he claimed he was now facing huge losses following the start of the war on Iraq and the withdrawal of UN officials and weapons inspectors. Mr Rajab advised companies not to take part in Iraq reconstruction programmes without proper guarantees. http://www.dailystar.com.lb/opinion/18_04_03_b.asp * TURKEY'S IRAQ ODYSSEY ENDS IN TRAGEDY by Mohammad Noureddine Lebanon Daily Star, 18th April For the last 10 years, Turkey has been busy building a new reality in northern Iraq - and in the country altogether - to avoid negative consequences similar to those that came to light after the 1991 Gulf War. That was why Ankara established strong economic links with Baghdad and a permanent military presence in northern Iraq. The Turks fell into the habit of sending their troops over the border to chase rebel Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) fighters, as well as to dissuade the Kurds from even thinking of founding their own independent state. Turkey used the estimated 1 million Iraqi Turkmens as a bargaining chip to stifle Kurdish ambitions. With the eruption of the latest Iraq crisis, Ankara drew several lines in the sand: it declared it would not tolerate the seizure of the northern Iraqi cities of Mosul and Kirkuk by the Iraqi Kurds; that it would oppose Kurdish control of Iraq's rich northern oil fields; that it would oppose Kurdish domination of its Turkmen allies; and, finally, that it would oppose the founding of any sort of independent Kurdish entity (including a federal arrangement) in northern Iraq. When talks about opening a second front against Iraq began between Ankara and Washington, the Turks introduced more conditions: the US must not provide the Kurds with heavy weapons, and that the Kurds are prevented from taking part in fighting against Iraqi forces. These talks ultimately failed when the Turkish Parliament rejected a government bill asking it to agree to the deployment of American forces on Turkish soil in preparation for moving into northern Iraq. The Turkish refusal was originally the result of American failure to provide sufficient guarantees about the role the Kurds would play in a future Iraq. The Turks were suspicious that the Americans had their own hidden agenda concerning the future of Iraq - that of the north especially - and that they had already promised the Kurds an independent state of their own. Ankara realized Washington's calculations on the Kurdish question were different to Turkey's. Ankara has always considered the issue of northern Iraq from the standpoint of its own 12-million-strong Turkish Kurd population. Washington, however, looked at the issue from a different angle - that of its effect on the Iraqi situation and the future of the country after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. Washington saw the Kurds as their most reliable allies in Iraq over the last several years. They were the only players on the Iraqi stage who could be used to pressure and threaten others. Washington therefore wanted to guarantee that the Kurds could take part in future negotiations from a position of strength. That, consequently, was why the Americans allowed the peshmergas to capture Mosul and the strategically and ethnically crucial city of Kirkuk, and to seize control of the whole of Iraqi Kurdistan. The rich northern Iraqi oil fields are now in Kurdish hands. The Kurds, moreover, have the only organized military force in Iraq at the moment, after the collapse of the Iraqi Army. In all this, Washington has merely been rewarding its faithful Kurdish allies. The Kurds will become America's tools for carrying out US policies in Iraq. That was why the United States maintained intense pressure on Ankara to dissuade it from intervening militarily in northern Iraq. There is no doubt that by allowing the Kurds to transgress Ankara's red lines, the Americans were punishing the Turks for letting them down. But the Iraqi dimension in the American supported Kurdish action forced Ankara to lower its expectations. Instead of intervening in the north, the Turks agreed to a token Kurdish withdrawal from Kirkuk and Mosul to assuage their public opinion. The transgression of Ankara's red lines were not its only failure; in fact, the entire Turkish policy failed. Turkey was unable to intervene in northern Iraq. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan lamely declared that Turkey had no serious worries about the situation in northern Iraq. Perhaps Ankara had exaggerated; maybe it should never have set conditions on a situation taking place in a foreign country. It is entirely possible that even Ankara's final red line (that the founding of an independent Kurdish state would lead to war) would be ignored as well. After all, Turkey's Kurdish problem lies not in northern Iraq but inside its own borders. The Americans reacted violently to Turkey's refusal to open a northern front. New York Times columnist William Safire, who is widely perceived as speaking for the US administration, threatened Turkey with dire consequences after the war is over. Its efforts to open a northern front stymied, the US was forced to wage war on one front only. But initial failure in the south caused the Americans to think of reviving the northern front. That was why Secretary of State Colin Powell traveled to Ankara on April 2. As a result of Powell's visit, Turkey was declared part of the "coalition." In exchange for extending logistical support to the Americans in northern Iraq, Washington gave an undertaking that the Kurds would not be allowed to seize Kirkuk and Mosul. The two sides had momentarily avoided a clash of interests. Yet it was as soon as April 9 that Baghdad suddenly fell with the disappearance of the leaders of the Iraqi regime. The war between Washington and Saddam Hussein was officially over - but a new one was already beginning. Only hours after Baghdad fell, Kurdish peshmerga fighters entered Kirkuk. A day later, they seized Mosul. Ankara was "shocked and awed" at these developments. Was this the "settling of scores" between Washington and Ankara predicted by Safire? Have Turkey's worst fears been realized? In short, the answer to all these questions is "yes!" Turkey's lines in the sand were crossed in hours, and the Kurds captured Kirkuk and Mosul. The entire area of Iraqi Kurdistan was in their hands, and so was the fate of the Turkmens. Kirkuk is nearer than any other time to becoming the next Kurdish capital. Turkey was unable to carry out its threat of military intervention. Turkey realized too late that its real battle was not with the Kurds, but with the Americans. http://www.asiantribune.com/show_news.php?id=3823 * US HAS NO LEGITIMATE RIGHT TO IRAQI OIL AND LIFTING OF SANCTIONS MUST WAIT, SAY NEIGHBOURS Asian Tribune, 19th April Doha, April 19 (Al Jazeera: with agencies): The US-led forces that invaded Iraq had no right to exploit its oil and UN sanctions on Iraq should end only when it has a legitimate government, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal said on Saturday. Speaking after a meeting of eight regional states on post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, he said the invading forces must reestablish security and withdraw as soon as possible, allowing Iraqis to form their own government. The group of eight including all six of Iraq's neighbours have been meeting in Saudi Arabia on a day marked by huge anti-American demonstrations throughout occupied Iraq. In a joint statement released early Saturday morning, Prince Saud Al-Faisal said that the US led forces who invaded Iraq had no legitimate right to exploit its oil. He added that UN sanctions should end only when Iraq has a legitimate government. "Now Iraq is under an occupying power and any request for lifting sanctions must come when there is a legitimate government which represents the people... and which can comply with its duties towards lifting sanctions," Prince Saud told reporters after the meeting of eight regional states. "(The ministers) affirmed that the Iraqi people should administer and govern their country by themselves, and any exploitation of their natural resources should be in conformity with the will of the legitimate Iraqi government and its people," the prince said, reading from a joint statement after the talks. The Riyadh meeting consisted of Iraq's neighbours and other Arab states concerned about the political ramifications of a long-term US occupation. They held talks on Friday and into early Saturday morning aimed at coming up with a united position on a national government that will hasten the withdrawal of US forces. The foreign ministers of Iraq's six neighbours Syria, Jordan, Turkey, Iran, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia along with Egypt and current Arab League chairman Bahrain, asked that US troops leave Iraq "as soon as possible" even as they disagreed on other key points. Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Maher hinted at the differences among the participants. "There could be divergent analyses (of the situation)," he said without elaborating. The differences relate to the status of the Kurds in the north, Turkish demands on oil from the city of Kirkuk and the identity of certain figures tipped to become members of a future Iraqi government, a participating diplomat said. Participants in the meeting hoped it would provide a consensus that will help start negotiations with the US and give the region's countries a greater say in the running of Iraq. The Saudi Foreign Minister said in an opening address that the closed-door talks would focus on "certain principles that would serve as the basis for contacts with the international parties" that are now players in Iraq. "We call on the occupying authority, which we hope will withdraw from Iraq as soon as possible, to quickly put in place an interim government with a view to putting in place a constitutional government," Prince Saud said. "Iraq's territory and wealth belong to Iraqis," he said, adding that the United Nations must play a key role in the country. Washington's threats against Syria were also criticised by the opening statement. "We absolutely refuse the recent threat against Syria which can only increase the likelihood of a new circle of war and hatred, especially in light of the continuing deterioration of the Palestinian situation," said the statement, read out by Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al Faisal. "We call on the United States to use dialogue with Syria and to activate the (Middle East) peace process," it said, welcoming a possible visit to Syria by US Secretary of State Colin Powell. Iran, a member of US President George Bush's 'axis of evil', said it remains unworried about being attacked by Washington. "We do not have such a concern because the situation in Iraq was a totally different story," Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharazi said. http://hoovnews.hoovers.com/fp.asp?layout=displaynews&doc_id=NR20030421670.2 _5e4200379690f3c6 * ISRAELI WRITER CALLS FOR IRAQI-PALESTINIAN-JORDANIAN MERGER UNDER HASHIMITES Hoovers (Financial Times), 21st April Source: The Jerusalem Post web site, in English 21 Apr 03 Text of commentary by Yosef Goell in English entitled "Jordan is Palestine and Iraq" published by Israeli newspaper The Jerusalem Post web site on 21 April As America's dramatic blitzkrieg victory at the eastern end of the fertile crescent segues into pressure for the implementation of the "road map to a solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict" at our end of that ancient arc, I would like once again to press for an idea I raised last December, which is even more pertinent today. The main rationale advanced for the nexus between the brilliant American military victory in Iraq and the urgency of imposing the road map on Israel and the Palestinians is the need to repay Britain's [Prime Minister] Tony Blair for his steadfast loyalty to President George W. Bush, in opposition to nearly all of Europe and a large segment of his own Labour Party. This is hardly a persuasive argument for the effectiveness of the road map as a solution to a conflict that has lasted for more than three quarters of a century and intensified to new heights in recent decades. Nor is it as yet clear whether Bush is merely playing Blair along while remaining committed to his own vision of last June, which is clearly at odds with many aspects of the road map. Looking at the conflict in long-term perspective, the current question of whether or not Palestinian [National] Authority Prime Minister-designate Mahmud Abbas (Abu-Mazin) actually succeeds in wresting meaningful governing power from Chairman Yasir Arafat becomes relatively meaningless. The basic fact that remains unchanged and that has been dramatically and depressingly proven over the past 18 months is that no diplomatic trade off on boundaries, settlements, sovereignty or refugees could possibly overcome the venomous hatred of the Palestinian people and its leadership for Israel as the state of the Jewish people. Despite Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's politically courageous acquiescence to the eventual creation of a Palestinian state, it is obvious that Israel could never agree to the emergence of such a state until there is firm evidence that the Palestinians have overcome their feral hatred for Israel, will have recognized Israel as a legitimate state of the Jewish people, forfeited their demand for the return of the Palestinian refugees to that Israel, and effectively reined in and disarmed their terrorist groups. Could the mere supplanting of Arafat by Abu-Mazin, which shows no signs of happening as yet, signify a tectonic change in that hatred and Palestinian attitudes to those goals? Hardly. Does that mean that no solution to the conflict is possible in the short and medium term? In the philosophical sense that prolonged conflicts fuelled by deep-seated ethnic animosities and fears have no effective solutions the regrettable answer is yes. The direction that should be sought, however, is attaining a viable middle-range accommodation, something like the non-peace we have with Egypt since 1979. This would mean differentiating between the need to get Israel off the backs of the overwhelming majority of Palestinians in the territories which fell into Israel's hands in June 1967, and that of granting them a sovereign state which they would only exploit to intensify their attacks on Israel. Such an accommodation would entail Israel's getting out of the overwhelming majority of the territories in favour of their re-incorporation into Jordan, from whom we acquired them in the 1967 war and with whose ruling family we have had an impressive peace since 1995. The initial problem is that, to King Abdallah and his Hashimite ruling family, the addition of the Palestinian territories and population would be a burden rather than an advantage. What is needed is a persuasive sweetener that would reverse Jordan's inexorable descent into the status of a desert kingdom basket case. Which is where a reconstituted post-war Iraq comes in. After creating an independent or autonomous Kurdistan in the north, the southern two thirds of Iraq should be merged with Jordan under the Hashimite crown as payment for its own readiness to incorporate the Palestinian territories and population. That would constitute a fulfilment of the post-World War I dream of the Hashimites who were driven out of Hijaz by Ibn-Sa'ud and his family, and out of Baghdad in 1958 by a royal assassination to rule a major Arab state extending from the river Jordan in the west to Iran in the east. The gigantic Iraqi oil reserves could turn such a Hashimite Iraq-Jordan with a population of over 20 million, including the highly educated and technologically advanced Palestinian and Iraqi Sunni populations, into a pro-Western economic powerhouse in the Middle East. It could in time also serve to resettle the Palestinian refugees from their sordid, dehumanizing camps in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon and Syria, a problem the road map fails to address. Many would argue that all of the above is crazy thinking. I would argue that it is thinking big and certainly provides a more viable solution to our conflict than that contemplated by the road map. When an opportunity for such a solution comes along, due to the Bush administration's audacity in Iraq, it should be seized. _______________________________________________ Sent via the discussion list of the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq. To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-discuss To contact the list manager, email casi-discuss-admin@lists.casi.org.uk All postings are archived on CASI's website: http://www.casi.org.uk