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and a requiem for hope Dear List, Perhaps there is a path to the better, if you take a full look at the worst, as Hardy suggested. And the worst, it seems, is total political corruption worldwide: no integrity, no will, no courage. A few casual news items, which you may already know, brought this home to me. What hope is there in the struggle against the criminal excesses of Bush & Co, if the so-called world leaders keep applauding them. Why shouldn't Bush thumb his nose at this spineless lot... at the UN, international law, and treaties. He knows he can merrily go on doing more of the same - only to be applauded again. True, these toadies have sagging economies, rising unemployment, and other problems to consider. But the criminal superpower they are pandering to suffers from the same ills. They must be willing to join the crushing hegemon in its neolib crusade - picking up the crumbs. Naturally, the hegemon is only looking out for number one. So a little moral backbone might serve the vassals as self-preservation. King of the pandering toadies is undoubtedly Chancellor Schroeder. He is the man who took a firm stand against the war on Iraq - officially, that is. He nevertheless provided the US with German airspace, protection for US army facilities, etc. Still, he did take a stand, and was hailed a 'true statesman'. Schroeder and Chirac were right, said beleaguered peace activists this side of the pond. In Germany they were more cynical. It was to be expected that Schroeder and his US chums would make up - sooner, rather than later. But in doing so, Schroeder cast off the very principle he supposedly stood for: that the war was illegal and must be opposed. Now, of course, the situation has changed: big reconstruction contracts go begging and the German industry wants to get in on the act. So moral principles are no longer of any use. Schroeder now wants to ease tensions in German-US relations. At the 100th anniversary of the German-American Chamber of Commerce, he assured the US of Germany's undying friendship and commitment to NATO. That's the stuff Condoleezza likes to see: she had accused France and Germany of taking NATO "hostage" over Iraq. - What a grain of Rice can do! As to his actual opposition to the war, "differences" was Schroeder's euphemism - outweighed by "common values". And he pleaded for understanding for these "different views". They stemmed from Germany's past, which has instilled a great "weariness of military force". That he opposed the war because it was illegal must have slipped his mind. Now it's this unfortunate pacifist tendency - for which the US must forgive Germany. No words of criticism about the invasion. Instead, Schroeder emphasized again the "vital" friendship between the US and Germany. A meeting is soon to take place, where Schroeder may convey his inspiring new attitude to Bush. No doubt, he will be forgiven. ### While Schroeder at least ate his humble pie of his own free will, it was forced down Erdogan's throat by Wolfowitz. This intrepid neocon wants Turkey to change its attitude: "Let's have a Turkey that steps up and says, 'We made a mistake, we should have known how bad things were in Iraq, but we know now. Let's figure out how we can be as helpful as possible to the Americans,'" Wolfowitz dictated. "I'd like to see a different sort of attitude than I have yet detected." - In the neocon's dreams sovereign states are doomed, of course. It's going to be one big superstate - and one attitude. ### And in a fine display of solidarity, the willing and the erstwhile unwilling are now clamouring to send 'peacekeeping forces' to Iraq to police the illegal occupation by their US master - at the UN's request. Denmark, Poland, and Germany are holding joint meetings on this. ### To reward Uncle Sam's unstinting efforts in 'liberating' the world, a Nobel War Prize will have to be instituted. But for the time being, the Nobel Peace Prize will have to do: War is Peace. According to the provisions of Nobel, the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize "shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between nations, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses." Sounds like Bush and Blair. At least that's what Parliamentarians of the Norwegian right-wing Party of Progress think. In 2002, Harald Tom Nesvik nominated Bush and Blair for the Nobel Peace Prize. This was to be for their "decisive action" against terrorism. By "decisive action", Nesvik meant the slaughter in Afghanistan. And again, a Norwegian right-winger pipes up for Bush and Blair: Jan Simonsen has nominated this criminal pair for the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize. (It was too late for 2003.) Why Bush and Blair? For "daring" to defy the UN - in illegally destroying, invading, and occupying Iraq. "This war has saved countless lives", explains Simonsen. Otherwise Saddam Hussein might have developed atomic weapons which could have led to a "catastrophe", he said. These are sentiments by by right-wing extremists. But you may remember that Kofi Annan actually received the Nobel Peace Prize while an illegal war hailed cruise missiles on Afghanistan, thoughtfully inscribed "NYDP". ### Now what about hope? I started by saying there is no hope - it's dead. And that's how I felt. But already I feel better. Something Arundhati Roy once said came to mind: "Remember this: We be many and they be few. They need us more than we need them." It's from a speech she gave in Porto Alegre, January 28, 2003. She closed with this: "Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing." I don't want to see a world superstate. I want to see different cultures and languages flourish. And I want to see Anisa, Maysam, Nihal and all Iraqis live in an Iraq of their making - where children don't need to be afraid of bombs. No children anywhere should have to be terrorized by war. So I am attaching Roy's speech. You may have read it, but still... --Elga -------------Start Fwd------------- http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=2919§ionID=51 Confronting Empire by Arundhati Roy; January 28, 2003 I've been asked to speak about "How to confront Empire?" Its a huge question, and I have no easy answers. When we speak of confronting "Empire," we need to identify what "Empire" means. Does it mean the U.S. Government (and its European satellites), the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, and multinational corporations? Or is it something more than that? In many countries, Empire has sprouted other subsidiary heads, some dangerous byproducts nationalism, religious bigotry, fascism and, of course terrorism. All these march arm in arm with the project of corporate globalization. Let me illustrate what I mean. India the worlds biggest democracy is currently at the forefront of the corporate globalization project. Its "market" of one billion people is being prized open by the WTO. Corporatization and Privatization are being welcomed by the Government and the Indian elite. It is not a coincidence that the Prime Minister, the Home Minister, the Disinvestment Minister the men who signed the deal with Enron in India, the men who are selling the countrys infrastructure to corporate multinationals, the men who want to privatize water, electricity, oil, coal, steel, health, education and telecommunication are all members or admirers of the RSS. The RSS is a right wing, ultra-nationalist Hindu guild which has openly admired Hitler and his methods. The dismantling of democracy is proceeding with the speed and efficiency of a Structural Adjustment Program. While the project of corporate globalization rips through peoples lives in India, massive privatization, and labor "reforms" are pushing people off their land and out of their jobs. Hundreds of impoverished farmers are committing suicide by consuming pesticide. Reports of starvation deaths are coming in from all over the country. While the elite journeys to its imaginary destination somewhere near the top of the world, the dispossessed are spiraling downwards into crime and chaos. This climate of frustration and national disillusionment is the perfect breeding ground, history tells us, for fascism. The two arms of the Indian Government have evolved the perfect pincer action. While one arm is busy selling India off in chunks, the other, to divert attention, is orchestrating a howling, baying chorus of Hindu nationalism and religious fascism. It is conducting nuclear tests, rewriting history books, burning churches, and demolishing mosques. Censorship, surveillance, the suspension of civil liberties and human rights, the definition of who is an Indian citizen and who is not, particularly with regard to religious minorities, is becoming common practice now. Last March, in the state of Gujarat, two thousand Muslims were butchered in a State-sponsored pogrom. Muslim women were specially targeted. They were stripped, and gang-raped, before being burned alive. Arsonists burned and looted shops, homes, textiles mills, and mosques. More than a hundred and fifty thousand Muslims have been driven from their homes. The economic base of the Muslim community has been devastated. While Gujarat burned, the Indian Prime Minister was on MTV promoting his new poems. In January this year, the Government that orchestrated the killing was voted back into office with a comfortable majority. Nobody has been punished for the genocide. Narendra Modi, architect of the pogrom, proud member of the RSS, has embarked on his second term as the Chief Minister of Gujarat. If he were Saddam Hussein, of course each atrocity would have been on CNN. But since hes not and since the Indian "market" is open to global investors the massacre is not even an embarrassing inconvenience. There are more than one hundred million Muslims in India. A time bomb is ticking in our ancient land. All this to say that it is a myth that the free market breaks down national barriers. The free market does not threaten national sovereignty, it undermines democracy. As the disparity between the rich and the poor grows, the fight to corner resources is intensifying. To push through their "sweetheart deals," to corporatize the crops we grow, the water we drink, the air we breathe, and the dreams we dream, corporate globalization needs an international confederation of loyal, corrupt, authoritarian governments in poorer countries to push through unpopular reforms and quell the mutinies. Corporate Globalization or shall we call it by its name? Imperialism needs a press that pretends to be free. It needs courts that pretend to dispense justice. Meanwhile, the countries of the North harden their borders and stockpile weapons of mass destruction. After all they have to make sure that its only money, goods, patents and services that are globalized. Not the free movement of people. Not a respect for human rights. Not international treaties on racial discrimination or chemical and nuclear weapons or greenhouse gas emissions or climate change, or god forbid justice. So this all this is "empire." This loyal confederation, this obscene accumulation of power, this greatly increased distance between those who make the decisions and those who have to suffer them. Our fight, our goal, our vision of Another World must be to eliminate that distance. So how do we resist "Empire"? The good news is that were not doing too badly. There have been major victories. Here in Latin America you have had so many in Bolivia, you have Cochabamba. In Peru, there was the uprising in Arequipa, In Venezuela, President Hugo Chavez is holding on, despite the U.S. governments best efforts. And the worlds gaze is on the people of Argentina, who are trying to refashion a country from the ashes of the havoc wrought by the IMF. In India the movement against corporate globalization is gathering momentum and is poised to become the only real political force to counter religious fascism. As for corporate globalizations glittering ambassadors Enron, Bechtel, WorldCom, Arthur Anderson where were they last year, and where are they now? And of course here in Brazil we must ask who was the president last year, and who is it now? Still many of us have dark moments of hopelessness and despair. We know that under the spreading canopy of the War Against Terrorism, the men in suits are hard at work. While bombs rain down on us, and cruise missiles skid across the skies, we know that contracts are being signed, patents are being registered, oil pipelines are being laid, natural resources are being plundered, water is being privatized, and George Bush is planning to go to war against Iraq. If we look at this conflict as a straightforward eye- ball to eye-ball confrontation between "Empire" and those of us who are resisting it, it might seem that we are losing. But there is another way of looking at it. We, all of us gathered here, have, each in our own way, laid siege to "Empire." We may not have stopped it in its tracks yet but we have stripped it down. We have made it drop its mask. We have forced it into the open. It now stands before us on the worlds stage in all its brutish, iniquitous nakedness. Empire may well go to war, but its out in the open now too ugly to behold its own reflection. Too ugly even to rally its own people. It wont be long before the majority of American people become our allies. Only a few days ago in Washington, a quarter of a million people marched against the war on Iraq. Each month, the protest is gathering momentum. Before September 11th 2001 America had a secret history. Secret especially from its own people. But now Americas secrets are history, and its history is public knowledge. Its street talk. Today, we know that every argument that is being used to escalate the war against Iraq is a lie. The most ludicrous of them being the U.S. Governments deep commitment to bring democracy to Iraq. Killing people to save them from dictatorship or ideological corruption is, of course, an old U.S. government sport. Here in Latin America, you know that better than most. Nobody doubts that Saddam Hussein is a ruthless dictator, a murderer (whose worst excesses were supported by the governments of the United States and Great Britain). Theres no doubt that Iraqis would be better off without him. But, then, the whole world would be better off without a certain Mr. Bush. In fact, he is far more dangerous than Saddam Hussein. So, should we bomb Bush out of the White House? Its more than clear that Bush is determined to go to war against Iraq, regardless of the facts and regardless of international public opinion. In its recruitment drive for allies, The United States is prepared to invent facts. The charade with weapons inspectors is the U.S. governments offensive, insulting concession to some twisted form of international etiquette. Its like leaving the "doggie door" open for last minute "allies" or maybe the United Nations to crawl through. But for all intents and purposes, the New War against Iraq has begun. What can we do? We can hone our memory, we can learn from our history. We can continue to build public opinion until it becomes a deafening roar. We can turn the war on Iraq into a fishbowl of the U.S. governments excesses. We can expose George Bush and Tony Blair and their allies for the cowardly baby killers, water poisoners, and pusillanimous long-distance bombers that they are. We can re-invent civil disobedience in a million different ways. In other words, we can come up with a million ways of becoming a collective pain in the ass. When George Bush says "youre either with us, or you are with the terrorists" we can say "No thank you." We can let him know that the people of the world do not need to choose between a Malevolent Mickey Mouse and the Mad Mullahs. Our strategy should be not only to confront empire, but to lay siege to it. To deprive it of oxygen. To shame it. To mock it. With our art, our music, our literature, our stubbornness, our joy, our brilliance, our sheer relentlessness and our ability to tell our own stories. Stories that are different from the ones were being brainwashed to believe. The corporate revolution will collapse if we refuse to buy what they are selling their ideas, their version of history, their wars, their weapons, their notion of inevitability. Remember this: We be many and they be few. They need us more than we need them. Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing. Arundhati Roy Porto Alegre, Brazil January 27, 2003 -------------End------------- _______________________________________________ Sent via the discussion list of the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq. To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-discuss To contact the list manager, email casi-discuss-admin@lists.casi.org.uk All postings are archived on CASI's website: http://www.casi.org.uk