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News, 14-21/05/03 (2) NEW KURDISH ORDER (and see 'Return of the Natives') * Kurds making their own Iraq oil deals * On Oil, Iraqis Defer to U.S. * A Mix of 'President . . . and Pope' * [No. 10 Most-Wanted Iraqi Surrenders] * Iraqi Kurds Growing Restless Over Unpaid Wages * Power struggle emerges in Kirkuk ENTERPRISING NEIGHBOURS * Lebanon lobbies UN over 'oil-for-food' contracts * Turkey emerges stronger for not bowing to US * U.A.E. Red Crescent completes water purification projects in south... * Iraqi business has key role to play - and so do Arabs NEW KURDISH ORDER (and see 'Return of the Natives') http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/05/15/1052885345587.html * KURDS MAKING THEIR OWN IRAQ OIL DEALS by Sabrina Tavernise and Neela Banerjee in Suleimaniya Sydney Morning Herald, 16th May A Kurdish political party working with the United States to shape an interim government in Iraq has quietly pushed ahead on three oil development projects, acting autonomously as a local government. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, one of the two main Kurdish parties in Iraq, has signed production-sharing contracts with two Turkish companies, PetOil and General Energy, to develop and survey oilfields in north-east Iraq, according to Rasheed Khoshnaw, deputy director of the party's special projects division. Party officials also agreed recently to allow an Australian company to do surveying work in eastern Iraq, Mr Khoshnaw said. He did not name the company. Mr Khoshnaw said that the most recent of the oil agreements was concluded three months before the war in Iraq began in March. At that time, United Nations sanctions limiting Iraqi oil exports were firmly in place, although now the Security Council is considering a resolution that would lift them. The US, pushing for a UN vote on Iraq next week, said on Wednesday it would submit a "modified" resolution shortly. Diplomats said revisions would centre on the role of the UN in postwar Iraq - hinting at a bigger role for the body in forming a new government - as well as how the oil-for-food program would be phased out. The US Secretary of State, Colin Powell, said on Wednesday after talks in Moscow with Russian President Vladimir Putin that the US had yet to agree with Moscow on draft proposals to end sanctions. "With respect to Iraq, there are some outstanding issues and we will be working these issues in a spirit of partnership and trying to come to a solution," he said. US military commanders in Baghdad, under pressure to impose order on a still-lawless capital, are defending their approach to keeping the city safe and said they were "aggressively targeting" looters. But they said they would not authorise a shoot-to-kill policy, as previously reported. In Washington, a US Treasury official said that Lebanon's central bank had located $US495 million ($768 million) in Iraqi funds - thought to be some of Saddam Hussein's hidden billions. The Bush Administration has changed its tune on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction - its argument for going to war. Instead of looking for stocks of banned materials, it is now pinning its hopes on finding documentary evidence. The change in rhetoric seems designed to prepare the public for the fact that special US military teams have found little to justify the Administration's claim that Iraq was concealing vast stocks of chemical and biological agents and was working on a nuclear weapons program. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A61611-2003May15.html * ON OIL, IRAQIS DEFER TO U.S. by Peter S. Goodman Washington Post, 16th May KIRKUK, Iraq -- Around the conference table at North Oil Co., they were ostensibly discussing a simple contract issue: Should the new security force hired to guard the company's facilities be paid in the traditional monthly lump sum, or instead by an hourly wage? The contract expert from KBR, a Halliburton Co. subsidiary assisting with the reconstruction of Iraq's oil industry, favored a timecard system: Work for an hour, get paid for an hour. But the men from the security company were dubious. Before the fall of Saddam Hussein, Iraq was a socialist country. The government provided transportation along with meager housing, food and health care. Who would take care of all that now? Then there was the question of who had the power to decide such things. Under the old system, bureaucrats at the Ministry of Oil in Baghdad decreed salaries. "It is beyond our authority," said North Oil's assistant general manager, Ghazi Talabani. "You need to take that authority," implored Kevin W. DaVee, a civilian with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. He had journeyed from his home in Tulsa to help get oil pumping, but now he found himself wading into something far deeper. "The old system had central control. It is gone." As the United States proceeds with the reconstruction of Iraq, the people on the ground with mundane jobs such as turning on lights and fixing pipes are confronting far more complex issues every day. Beneath nearly every pragmatic task lies a tangle of questions about the future of Iraq's economic system. The meeting at North Oil headquarters, set amid eucalyptus trees and fields dried yellow by the sun, was aimed at settling how best to protect the installations in the area. The northern oil fields emerged almost unscathed by the war, but looting has reduced many control centers to glass-strewn piles of junk. Throughout a long, hot day, Capt. John Connor, a plain-spoken career military officer who headed the Corps of Engineers group, stressed that they were here to advise and not to dictate. "Our goal is to let the Iraqis make their own decisions," he said. "This is their company and their country. We don't plan to stay here. We're not here to make our mark." Yet it quickly became clear that this doctrine had limits. North Oil's managers -- conditioned by life under Hussein to fear independent action -- have simply transferred their deference from the oil ministry to U.S. forces. In the past two weeks, ethnically Kurdish soldiers known as Peshmerga have moved into many oil facilities, setting up checkpoints and occupying plants and offices. American forces have tentatively welcomed this development: The Peshmerga resisted Hussein's control for more than a decade. But were the Kurds to secure control, it would present the United States with a geopolitical problem, perhaps provoking military action from Turkey, which fears an independent Kurdish state. North Oil's managers, meanwhile, have viewed the arrival of the Peshmerga warily, seeing it as part of their ongoing struggle for local control with Arab and Turkmen factions. The group at the conference table aimed to steer around politics, while putting a new security force in place. Talabani, the North Oil executive, sat at the head of the table, while Connor and DaVee -- both dressed in military khakis -- sat on one side. On the other side sat three representatives from the Coalition of Iraqi National Unity, a loose confederation of anti-Hussein militias that also run trading, construction and security companies. The coalition was providing more than 100 security guards, all Sufi Muslims from northwestern Iraq. North Oil and the Corps both viewed the Sufi as preferable to the Peshmerga, because they are perceived as outside the local political fray. They had already been vetted by U.S. intelligence, Connor said. Still, he was unsure whether the Peshmerga would yield peaceably. "When we go to the sites, we really don't know what's going on there," he said. Connor was concerned that North Oil was not taking security seriously enough. Before the meeting, he and DaVee had driven out to a site that held key documents about North Oil's pumping system. Connor had been disgusted that no one was guarding it. "It's their company, it's for the people," he said, "but if they can't see that this is really important, then we will take action for them." Now, inside the conference room, he was seeking to work out the particulars of deploying the Sufi guards, and hoping that North Oil -- often called NOC -- would augment them with its own full-time police force. Talabani had no faith in his company's police. There were not enough of them: Of the 480 officers on the force before the war, only about 130 had returned to work. Those who had returned were routinely disregarding orders to go to outlying facilities, he complained. A day earlier, he had ordered a contingent of police to travel to the North and South Jamur oil fields south of Kirkuk. "They just vanished," he said. The police were reluctant to venture out in part because they lacked weapons -- this in a society where assault rifles seem to outnumber working telephones. Another reason, Talabani said, was their desire to maintain the privileged status they enjoyed under the old regime: If they began accepting orders to go to new places, they would be endorsing change, submitting to the demise of a system that gave them preferred housing, higher salaries and the ability to steer jobs to relatives via the patronage networks built into the company. "If I could, I would shoot them all," Talabani said. "They will not adjust." Connor had a suggestion: Call all the police in together in a big group and ask them who was willing to work. Anyone who refused an order should be sent home and not paid. Meanwhile, the Sufis would be deployed as needed. But what would the Sufis be paid? Talabani had never had to make such a decision. Perplexed, he asked for guidance. Connor had little patience for this. "Whatever you pay the NOC officers," he said. "It's the NOC's company. It's not the American company. You keep looking at me for approval." Talabani explained that he was required to seek higher guidance. If he made a decision on his own, he could face discipline from the Ministry of Oil. DaVee countered that the people in the ministry "don't know what is happening here." The only practical consideration, DaVee continued, was getting the security people in place fast. "Without these men and their security, your company would cease to exist," DaVee said. "You need to pay them a fair market value." Calculating that value was far from simple. Under the old system, North Oil's police were paid $30 to $50 per month. But that failed to account for the value of the state subsidies, the graft that anyone with an official position could extract, plus the raft of less-direct subsidies such as cheap gasoline and other commodities whose prices were now skyrocketing on burgeoning black markets. One of the security company agents, Saman Barzinji, asked for a monthly pay system and a work schedule that would allow his men to return to their villages to see their families. Three weeks on, then nine days off. "Well, what happens if that individual gets sick?" asked Brian LeBlanc, the contract expert from KBR, formerly known as Kellogg, Brown & Root. His company would be paying for security until large volumes of oil are pumping. "If it's an hourly rate, you wouldn't have to pay that guy and you could bring someone else in." LeBlanc asked for a list of all the guards and the hours they were working. "Under the old system, you paid the man for the month whether the man was there or not," LeBlanc said. "Do you have a problem with what we call a time sheet, and you pay the man for the time that he is there?" The security company had never heard of a time sheet. But they agreed to look into it and respond with a written contract proposal. The company agents seemed more interested in getting a lump sum and then handling internally the particulars of paying individual guards. "Maybe just give us some oil and we will sell it," said Malas Kaznazan, one of the security company's representatives. The Americans took it as a joke, but they weren't really sure whether it was intended as one. Connor and DaVee headed out to their vehicle, a tan Humvee. They would visit the fields, deploy some more Sufi and see how those already out were faring. Connor fretted about the meeting. "They just keep looking at me to make all the decisions," he said. At the wheel, DaVee grinned. "I like to think of us as really nice conquerors," he said. They drove east to the Jabal Burur gas separation plant. Sufi guards, who had arrived the day before, scrambled into the road in their green knits and black berets, pulling razor wire aside to let the vehicle enter. DaVee inspected the works. A large oil spill stained the ground -- tens of thousands of barrels, he estimated. A dozen Sufis surrounded Connor and tried to communicate with him despite lacking a common language. "No, no," said one, holding out an empty wallet. Connor made a note to discuss payment, then spat tobacco juice on the parched earth. "Any bombs, mines?" he asked. Hands pointed affirmatively beyond the oil spill. The Sufis asked for food and water. "Potatoes, tomatoes," came the voices. "That's not up to us," Connor said. "It's not our contract." An hour's drive south, on a rise above the flatlands of Kirkuk, the Humvee pulled through the gates of South Jamur, still occupied by the Peshmerga. They encircled Connor, two dozen men in green uniforms and sashes. The looting here had been kept to a minimum. Connor told them that the United States was "very grateful and thankful for the work that you have done," but now it was time to clear out. As he spoke, two buses pulled in carrying a fresh contingent of Sufis. They stepped out of the vehicles, carrying rifles and cooking stoves. The Peshmerga told Connor they could not leave without an order from their commander. A request would have to be engineered through the 173rd Army. For at least a night, the Sufis and Peshmerga would live here together. "While we have the two forces here, there will be no trouble," Connor said. The Peshmerga nodded. Then, Connor walked up a hill to inspect the pumping station and a gas separator. A fire truck sat parked against a shed, a good sign since such vehicles have been stolen elsewhere. But the pump that brought water from a nearby river was gone. "We need water," said a North Oil engineer, Mazin Kadim. "Okay, you're the engineer," Connor said. "How do we fix it? Let's say the pump takes a long time. How do you fill the tanks?" Kadim motioned toward a tanker truck parked nearby. It had a flat tire, the engineer said, shrugging. "So, you have to fix the tire," Connor said, rolling his eyes at the recognition that it had come to this: An officer for the victorious army, standing in the dust of northern Iraq, managing the repair of a single bum wheel. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A61699-2003May15.html * A MIX OF 'PRESIDENT . . . AND POPE' by Scott Wilson Washington Post, 16th May MOSUL, Iraq -- Lifting off in a helicopter from the grounds of a Mosul palace that he has made his headquarters, Maj. Gen. David H. Petraeus began a tour of all that he commands, a vast northern Iraqi kingdom of desert and wheat fields, military installations and Bedouin camps, where poetry and strife fill the smallest corners. "Look at that -- gas trucks," said Petraeus, pointing out the window of his UH-60 Black Hawk as the journey progressed. A convoy was arriving from Turkey with U.S.-bought gasoline to help alleviate severe shortages here in Iraq's third-largest city. Farther along, he nodded toward combines harvesting wheat in the fields below. The agreement he brokered that sets grain prices for farmers and distributors was holding. Escorted by two AH-64 Apache attack helicopters, the Black Hawk skimmed low over sand on its way to Rubiyah, a dusty town on the Syrian border. In plumes of sand, the helicopters landed there and Petraeus, with a stroke of his pen, formally opened a border crossing that had been closed since the start of the war. More than 1,000 tribal dignitaries sat in silence as he spoke at a feast that followed. He explained that another crossing would mean more money for all and cheaper chickens in Mosul because of competition. Ushered by sheiks in flowing white robes, he then moved to tables groaning under ceramic dishes; he tore off chunks of lamb with his hands and scooped up handfuls of rice. "Amazing, isn't it?" Petraeus said later as he waved to the mob from his departing Black Hawk. "It's a combination of being the president and the pope." In normal times, Petraeus is the wiry, intellectual commander of the U.S. Army's 101st Airborne Division, the Screaming Eagles of military lore. During the Iraq war, his division fought along the Euphrates River, pounding through an epic sandstorm and subduing the cities of Najaf, Karbala and Hilla. His unit arrived in this walled city 220 miles north of Baghdad last month after U.S. soldiers killed at least 10 Iraqis during anti-American demonstrations. Now Petraeus is the face of the 18,000-troop occupying army in Iraq's northern tip, a viceroy in a land of competing interests and uncertain loyalties. His job, and those of the other division commanders in Iraq, is to win the peace as deftly as they did the war, building the beginnings of democracy in a country with no experience in representative government. The Bush administration has given them enormous authority, with the expectation they will remake Iraq into a regional showcase. Petraeus, 50, a West Point graduate with a PhD in international relations, acknowledged that "we haven't quite stopped fighting." But he has mostly turned his attention to other matters. Now, as a recent two-day visit revealed, Petraeus worries about building new armies and disarming old ones, taxi rates and gas supplies, the state of Mosul's amusement park and anti-American sentiment in its mosques. He also confronts questions over how much freedom to allow Iraqis, even though freedom is precisely what the United States has promised a country still somewhere between war and peace. "Combat is hard because you are losing soldiers, killing people. But at the end of the day you are destroying things, and we know how to do that," Petraeus said. "This work requires inordinate patience. There are incredible frustrations. And you can't just pull a trigger and make it all go away." The general receives his visitors in an upstairs salon at the Mosul palace, the Tigris River a ribbon of blue in the middle distance. The walls and floor are white marble, the ceiling made to resemble the drooping folds of a tent. He has added elements of the army's utilitarian design. Plywood panels serve as doors, closed with a strand of wire, and a plastic sheet substitutes for a window blown out during the war. Gen. Babeker Bederkhan was his first guest on a recent morning, an ally about to get an earful. The pesh merga, a Kurdish militia force that Bederkhan helps lead, worked effectively alongside U.S. troops in the war. But in victory Kurds have displaced hundreds of Arabs who were paid by then-President Saddam Hussein's government years ago to come from the south and settle here to alter the ethnic balance. Bederkhan's pesh merga fighters have, at times, appeared to support the "de-Arabization" campaign even after promising Petraeus they would work to stop it. The day before, in the village of Zamar west of Mosul, thousands of Kurds and Arabs had squared off in a confrontation that left one Arab dead and another wounded before U.S. troops arrived. "Unless you are careful, you will lose the support of the United States, even though we have been allies for years," Petraeus told Bederkhan, adding that in the long term, "I want what you want" but only through a national legal process. "I saved your soldiers yesterday from killing more people." Petraeus calls his heavy hand, even with allies, the "Big Man concept" and he often follows even his simplest instructions to Iraqis with the phrase "those are my orders." In a culture used to centralized power, he has employed the technique to begin the difficult task of assembling a multi-ethnic army and a functioning city government. Two weeks ago, Petraeus invited 250 city leaders to a convention to choose a new interim mayor and council in Mosul, crimping the invitations with his division's notary seal in a country where stamps are signs of power. "They think it's a super-secret Pentagon thing," he said. The all-day convention produced a 24-member council consisting of Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, various tribal leaders, an Islamic imam -- and two retired Iraqi generals, an irksome constituency of special importance here because Mosul produced so many of them during Hussein's rule. The local government is the first to be "democratically selected" in Iraq, although Petraeus still sits next to the mayor in semiweekly council meetings. Using the Army division's money, he has carpeted and furnished the mayor's suite in the looted downtown government building. The final four mayoral candidates were interviewed individually by Petraeus, who was mostly interested in their past ties to Hussein's Baath Party. Ghanin Bassook, a major general in the Iraqi army who was forced to resign in 1993 after his cousin and brother were executed for treason, emerged the winner. He was given a Kurdish deputy to bring ethnic balance to the top of the administration. The Baath Party dominated Mosul, as it did the rest of Iraq, and deciding who should remain in government has been a mystifying process. Some measures are symbolic. Police recruits must sign an agreement to disavow their membership in the Baath Party or a statement denouncing the party if they never belonged. Others are more delicate. Bassook, who has been accused of ties to the former government, wanted to know what to do with the president of the University of Mosul, a senior Baath official kept on after the war. "You should congratulate him for being selected to the position of president emeritus," Petraeus told the mayor. "He can either accept the position gracefully with an office and a salary or he can be fired." The mayor agreed, put the item on the next day's council agenda, and asked when elections would be held for the job. Petraeus explained that the president would be named, not elected, just as he informed puzzled employees at the Telecommunications Ministry days earlier that they would not be voting for a new boss. "There's really no understanding of what democracy is here," he said later. Nonetheless, political parties have flowered since the Baath Party was toppled. Kurdish and exile parties have arrived, Islamic political organs have sprung up, and a variety of homegrown organizations with few ideological underpinnings and even fewer constituents have hung banners. But most of them have armed mini-militias that they have used to take over government buildings. Now they fly partisan flags outside them and keep a few men with worn AK-47 assault rifles on the sidewalks in front. Mishaan Jabouri, a returned exile, now claims to be the real power in Mosul. He has taken over, for his Fatherland Party, the riverfront compound of Ali Hassan Majeed, known as "Chemical Ali" for his role in gas attacks on Kurds in northern Iraq in 1988. The Pentagon backed Iraqi National Congress occupies the mayor's house. "I need permission for another bodyguard to carry a gun," Mahdi Duleimi, a retired general who is the INC's representative in Mosul, said to Petraeus during a recent meeting. "Right now I only have the one." "No more bodyguards, no more guns," Petraeus answered. "We have too many guns. And I believe your offices are in the mayor's house? Well, I think he's going to want to live there again soon." The potentially explosive process of evicting the parties and disarming their followers will come later. For the moment, Petraeus has opted for a strategy of accumulating "small wins." The power is on, telephones work, the water is running. He has used operational funds to resurrect the amusement park. (He expressed concern at his recent morning security briefing about the color of the pool's water.) He plans to replant the soccer fields in the days ahead. Few public employees, however, have been paid since the war began. But a chipper man named Doug Hamilton, a Congressional Budget Office employee assigned to the reconstruction effort, recently arrived with $5 million to do so. Trash is piling up on street corners. Sporadic gunfire rings out at night. Taxi fares have risen; Petraeus sent a one-star general to the transportation companies to coax down prices. Long gas lines and rationing pose a huge problem here. "I waited three days for my share of 25 liters," complained Ayad Mohammed, a 40-year-old taxi driver, who said the supply lasted him three hours. "You see there is order in these lines. But it is only because the Americans are here with weapons. If not, there would be chaos." With unrest near the surface, Petraeus monitors the mosques for strains of anti-American feelings. Lately, he has not liked what he has heard. So he has turned for help to Saleh Khalieh Hamoodi, a Sunni cleric and city council member who issued his own prewar call for Iraqis to resist U.S. forces. Hamoodi, who was jailed a decade ago, said he was forced to do so by the government. Now he is the general's link to the city's powerful clerics. The two met recently in the mayor's suite to see how they could help each other. Sweating in long gray robes, Hamoodi was the first to ask for assistance. Kurds were trying to drive members of the Iraqi Islamic Party out of their offices, he said. Could the general send some help? "I'm not going to secure Islamic Party headquarters if the imams say bad things about coalition forces," Petraeus told him. "And some of your colleagues are. It hurts me and my men to hear that." Hamoodi smiled. He took the names of six imams identified by U.S. intelligence as potentially problematic and assured the general he would speak to them at once. Perched above a former Baath Party parade stand, Mosul's only television station has been a U.S. Army post for almost a month. Shirtless soldiers from the 3rd Battalion of the 327th Infantry Brigade played touch football on a recent evening in the courtyard outside the small, concrete station. Never before has Ahmed Jasim, the station manager, been allowed to pick his own programming. Pudgy with a gray comb-over, Jasim is still not entirely free to do so. He said U.S. Marines entered the station and seized a videotape of Jabouri, the returned exile claiming authority, while it was on the air in the days after last month's deadly riots. More recently, Petraeus sent the station manager a letter telling him to give fair access to all political parties, not just Jabouri's, and censor anti-American messages. Petraeus's next step, he said, would be to review material before it airs. "I am the occupying power, make no mistake," Petraeus said, arguing that censorship to preserve public order was his "obligation" under the Geneva Conventions. "I am responsible for this place." http://abcnews.go.com/wire/World/ap20030517_544.html * [No. 10 Most-Wanted Iraqi Surrenders] ABC News, from The Associated Press, 17th May [.....] Elsewhere Saturday, the U.S. military commander in the region said the northern oil city of Kirkuk will become the latest community in Iraq to edge toward democracy next week when it installs a new municipal council. The body will be elected by 300 community leaders chosen by U.S. authorities, said Maj. Gen. Ray Odierno, commander of the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division. They will elect 24 delegates to form a city council, along with six other members hand picked by Odierno to represent the business community. A mayor and his deputy will be chosen by the council subject to Odierno's approval. The move comes as U.S.-led coalition authorities in Iraq seek to re-establish local governments in communities throughout Iraq and gradually transfer authority from the military to civilians as both groups struggle to restore basic public services and improve the security situation. "You must throw off the chains of a brutal dictatorship and the choke hold of a socialist command economy," Odierno told residents of Kirkuk at a meeting Saturday. "The message: You must embrace democracy and a market economy." [.....] NO URL (sent through list) * IRAQI KURDS GROWING RESTLESS OVER UNPAID WAGES by Carol J. Williams Los Angeles Times, 16th May IRBIL, Iraq ‹ In sharp contrast to desperate Baghdad, there are no gas lines here, electricity is uninterrupted, and water flows so plentifully that verdant parks offer respite from the baking heat. But even here in Kurdistan, where Americans are cheered as allies and saviors, anger is mounting at the mess the U.S.-led war has made of the economy and at the absence, a month after the allies won the war, of any visible effort to win the peace. Because this region in northern Iraq had been severed from the regime of Saddam Hussein for a dozen years, Kurds were largely spared the bombing, destruction and ensuing lawlessness that hit the rest of the country. But the chaos elsewhere threatens to spill into this region as government salaries go unpaid and businesses go under. "Where is the government? Where is the water, the electricity, the security? What are you doing here?" Sami Abdul Rahman, the deputy prime minister in the western half of Kurdistan, demanded to know from Americans, whom he accused of creating a dangerous power vacuum in Baghdad. In an interview at his lavish office, air-conditioned and appointed with the requisite portrait of late Kurdish freedom fighter Mustafa Barzani, Abdul Rahman criticized U.S. allies for the paralyzing delays in getting Iraqi money into the hands of Iraqi people. Civil servants who haven't been paid for three months listen keenly to TV and radio broadcasts about the Iraqi riches found abroad and in Baghdad, stashed by Hussein and his inner circle in the frantic last days of his rule. U.S. investigators Wednesday announced the discovery of $495 million in Iraqi assets at a Lebanese bank, and Treasury officials in Washington acknowledge that they have now accounted for most of the $1 billion plundered by Hussein's son Qusai from Iraq's central bank on the eve of war. "This is Iraqi money that should be used to pay salaries. We have provided two of the three essentials ‹ security and public services ‹ but it is up to the U.S. to give Iraqi people their money," said Abdul Rahman, the Kurdish region's No. 2 official and a key figure in western Kurdistan's ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party. Kurds, like most Iraqis, are grateful that Hussein has been ousted and a path opened to developing a united and democratic Iraq, Abdul Rahman said. But holdouts from Hussein's Baath Party are exploiting the U.S. inaction, he cautioned, in a campaign that could turn Kurds against the Americans as fiercely as in lawless Baghdad. "Imagine what would happen in the United States if salaries weren't paid for three months," he said. "Saddam made this country into an empire of government workers, not us. We would prefer to see private business. But at present, 60% to 70% of our people live on wages from the government." Compounding the economic stagnation that has set in since the U.N. "oil-for-food" program was interrupted by war is a growing impression among Kurds that U.S. mediators expect them to make all the concessions necessary to forge a new national alliance. Kurdish leaders were outraged when U.S. troops from the Army's 101st Airborne Division ordered Kurds out of a military housing block in the town of Domiz. The housing block was built on land from which Hussein expelled Kurds a decade ago so he could settle Arabs there and shift the ethnic balance in the region. U.S. officers insist that it is up to Iraqi courts to address all property disputes. "Americans must stop taking us for granted," Abdul Rahman warned, adding that Kurds have managed to maintain reasonable security and social services but can't do so forever without income. At grocery stores and produce stands, merchants complain that their sales have plummeted since the bombing because civil servants haven't been paid. "My sales are down about 50%, which means I can't afford new orders," lamented Ahmed Maki, owner of the Majestic supermarket. "No one is getting paid. No one has any money." Part of the money problem stems from the perception among some U.S. officials with the Pentagon-run Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance that the Kurds have their own resources and are holding back on the public payroll to get a share of the money that will be paid out from Baghdad. The Kurdish region was in effect exempt from U.N. sanctions imposed after the 1991 Persian Gulf War, because its border with Turkey was open and Kurds imposed trade tariffs on incoming goods. The Kurds also had separate oversight of the oil-for-food program in their territory. Kurdistan's payroll totals about $40 million a month, a sum Abdul Rahman described as a pittance compared with the Iraqi wealth at the United States' disposal. Salaries would kick start businesses, he said, and help workers survive until vital oil facilities can be repaired. "It's said by all U.S. officials that the oil wealth belongs to the Iraqi people. How it is managed can be negotiated," but it is dangerous to wait for a new government to be formed to make these decisions, Abdul Rahman said. Although critical of some elements in the newly named interim government in nearby Mosul, Abdul Rahman said a flawed administration was far better than no government at all. With two-thirds of Kurdistan's workers bringing home nothing, food vendor Hasim Salah is selling barely half his prewar volume and therefore buying less from local farmers. For some Kurds, however, the postwar paralysis is providing a profit bubble. There has been a flood of consumers from central and southern Iraq seeking big-ticket items such as televisions and refrigerators, which have long been unavailable outside Kurdistan because of sanctions. Hogar Jawher, a 16-year-old from Baghdad, drove to Irbil on Thursday to buy two Daewoo color TVs, paying $135 for each. He predicted that he could sell them for $250 apiece in the capital. Smiling, he proclaimed, "I hope this lasts forever!" http://www.msnbc.com/news/915325.asp * POWER STRUGGLE EMERGES IN KIRKUK by Scott Wilson MSNBC, from The Washington Post, 19th May KIRKUK, Iraq, May 19 ‹ In cooperation with U.S. occupation forces, two armed Kurdish organizations have moved swiftly in recent weeks to gain a political hold on Kirkuk, a city in the northern Iraqi oil fields that the groups have long coveted as a Kurdish economic and cultural center. SINCE MOVING into Kirkuk on April 10 behind fleeing Iraqi soldiers, U.S. forces have struggled to build a viable local administration in a region where Kurds are the majority among several often hostile ethnic groups. For help, U.S. officers have turned to eager leaders from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), who have administered sectors of a largely autonomous U.S.-protected portion of northern Iraq since shortly after the 1991 Persian Gulf War. The two groups, each with strong militias, have sent in more than 400 police officers and a variety of city administrators from the Kurdish enclave that begins 25 miles east of this city. This has formalized their political reach outside that area for the first time. Many of those police officers are former pesh merga guerrillas, who have spent decades fighting efforts by the government of former president Saddam Hussein to bring the independence-minded Kurds to heel. U.S. officers have also reached out to local Arabs, Assyrians and Turkmen, ethnic groups that each make up a significant minority of greater Kirkuk's 1 million residents. But Kurds, with a long history of working with the U.S. military, have emerged with more influence in the police force and the interim city council. As a result, the council has already been boycotted by a Turkmen group to protest perceived U.S. favoritism toward Kurds. The Kurdish parties, among the few well-organized political organizations on Iraq's new landscape, are increasing their visibility here after years of operating as clandestine cells hiding from Hussein's security forces. The PUK has moved part of its interior ministry from the autonomous zone to Kirkuk and has taken over the city's only television station, all with at least tacit U.S. permission. Party officials have also been buying property from Kirkuk's Arabs, often at inflated prices, in hopes of increasing the number of Kurdish residents before a U.S.-sponsored mayoral and city council election scheduled this week for this city 150 miles north of Baghdad. "The only real opposition groups in this region were Kurdish, the only ones to stand up to the regime," said Mohammed Kamal Salah, the KDP's deputy director in Kirkuk. "The truth is that this is a Kurdish city, so we have come to represent it." Until now, U.S. forces have tried to keep the Kurdish parties at arm's length, even ordering the pesh merga out of Kirkuk in the days after the Hussein government's collapse. Turning to them now marks a shift by U.S. forces that has potentially far-reaching implications for stability in a region with restive Kurdish populations scattered across four countries. While Kurdish party leaders meet in Baghdad to negotiate a role in a federated Iraq, their foot soldiers have worked on the ground to tip the political balance in their favor. The parties, whose pesh merga moved alongside U.S. forces throughout the northern campaign, appear to be riding that mutually useful alliance to greater political power. In endorsing the Kurdish role, however, the United States has become a player in the ethnic realignment that has swept Iraq since Hussein's fall by trying to create local institutions that it hopes will endure after U.S. forces withdraw. During Hussein's three-decade rule, Iraqi forces put down Kurdish rebellions with massacres and poison gas attacks that killed what human rights groups estimate was more than 100,000 people. After the Gulf War, U.S. warplanes began protecting a 17,000-square-mile Kurdish enclave in northern Iraq. Now the Kurds are trying to extend their reach into the two major northern cities outside that enclave: Kirkuk, which sits above huge oil reserves, and Mosul, an oil center where a similar power struggle between Kurdish, Arab and other ethnic groupings is playing out under the watch of U.S. forces. Turkey, which did not allow U.S. forces to invade from its territory, has warned against allowing Kurdish groups to assume political or military power in Kirkuk or elsewhere in northern Iraq. Fearing that Kurdish control of the economically important city could encourage Turkey's separatist Kurds, Turkish officials threatened to dispatch troops to evict pesh merga militias after they defied U.S. orders not to enter Kirkuk. The pesh merga withdrew, but the United States has invited their political wing to return. "It's a reward from the allied forces to allow the Kurds back in here," said Muner Qafi, political director of the Iraqi Turkmen Front, the largest party representing ethnic Turkmen in Kirkuk. "If the Americans left right now, this city would be the start of a huge civil conflict, not only here but across the country." In recent weeks, U.S. forces have tried to help establish a representative city government and police force. Because Hussein used settlement of Arabs to alter the demographics of this strategic region, census information remained secret. No one is sure of the size of each ethnic group, although most agree that the Kurds represent a majority. And now the numbers are increasing as hundreds of Kurds ‹ displaced years ago by Hussein's "Arabization" campaign, which paid Arabs from the south to settle on Kurdish land ‹ have returned to reclaim their property. Many more intend to do so once school lets out in the Kurdish enclave in July. Violence is already on the rise. On Saturday, witnesses said Arab men from the nearby town of Hawijah arrived in several trucks and opened fire in town, killing at least five people. Army Col. William Mayville, commander of the 173rd Airborne Brigade, has called on Kurdish leaders to condemn the forced evictions that have sent hundreds of Arabs southward. Until Saturday, he had been mostly successful in preventing deadly ethnic violence and he has asked Kurds to settle property disputes in neighborhood committees. The Kurdish support, however, could change once the Americans leave. Mayville set up a city council of 24 members, six from each ethnic group. But rival ethnic leaders say the Kurdish influence extends beyond its council seats, given to the two major parties and the Kurdistan Communist Party. The two major Kurdish parties, once bitter political, economic and military enemies within their secessionist movement, have teamed up to consolidate Kurdish political power. The Iraqi Turkmen Front received all six seats set aside for the ethnic group. But three smaller Turkmen parties complained, and U.S. forces took five seats away from the front to give to the others. Only the Turkmen Front, however, operated in Kirkuk during Hussein's rule. The other three Turkmen parties, Qafi said, were based in the Kurdish enclave and are sympathetic to the Kurdish cause. The Turkmen Front, once referred to as "brothers" by the same Kurdish leaders who now accuse it of being an extremist group with subversive ties to Turkey, will protest by refusing to occupy its seat. The police force, now consisting of at least 500 officers, has also become dominated by Kurds. Although the precinct commands have been divided evenly, Kurdish officers outnumber those from other groups because they also make up the plainclothes secret police, according to Kirkuk residents and Kurdish rivals. The Assyrian Christians could not fill out the full contingent sought by the U.S. Army, so most of their positions were given to Kurds. Trained in academies, the Kurdish police have been working for years in the enclave cities of Sulaymaniyah and Irbil. Kurdish officials say all of them are former pesh merga fighters, including Maohat Asad, whose family was driven from its home in Kirkuk by Arabs 16 years ago. "I came back and found my family house totally flattened," said Asad, who wears a laminated badge issued by the 173rd Airborne Brigade. "Anyone we ever had in our house, even visiting family, we had to tell the Baath Party. They eventually kicked us out. But this will be resolved. Now we're working alongside the Americans." ENTERPRISING NEIGHBOURS http://www.dailystar.com.lb/business/14_05_03_a.asp * LEBANON LOBBIES UN OVER 'OIL-FOR-FOOD' CONTRACTS by Dania Saadi Lebanon Daily Star, 14th May Lebanese industrialists are lobbying the United Nations to pay for some $450 million pending contracts won under Iraq's "oil-for-food" program prior to the US-led war against Iraq, a senior industrialist said on Tuesday. Lebanon is pushing the New York-based office of the Iraq Program to execute these contracts before the oil-for-food mandate is suspended, once the UN Security Council lifts the sanctions on Iraq to make way for autonomous rule. "It is going to be difficult to implement all of these contracts right away," said Ahmed Kabbara, head of the export department at the Lebanese Industrialists Association. "But the important thing is that Lebanon is not being treated any differently from any other country that has pending contracts under the oil-for-food program." Kabbara, who is seeking compensation for contracts he signed under the UN program prior to the outbreak of war, recently returned from New York, where he held talks with UN and US officials. At least $10 billion worth of contracts are still pending under the oil-for-food program, which was suspended on March 17, after UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan ordered the program's staff to leave Iraq, a few days prior to the onset of war. Since the war ended, the office of the Iraq program has divided up all pending contracts into three categories with different priorities: priority goods, goods in transit and other goods. "Unfortunately most of the Lebanese contracts are in the second and third categories, which means they do not have top priority," said Kabbara. The industrialists whose contracts are in the third category are the most affected, he said, as they have invested cash without a return on their investments. Around 5 percent of the contracts have been executed as priority goods, and some of the Lebanese contracts categorized as goods in transit have a chance of getting paid for by the United Nations. "It all depends whether the oil-for-food program expires on June 3, or is extended further," said Kabbara. The Security Council voted, toward the end of last month, to extend the oil-for-food program an additional three weeks to June 3, allowing the UN to include more goods in transit on its priority list. "The extension of the program is going to be a subject of debate between the UN and the United States, who are the de facto rulers of Iraq right now," said Kabbara. "The main problem is in the UN's cash flow, which is currently being spent on basic goods. But who is going to be in control of the oil sales to pay for pending contracts?" He argued that the Americans can be convinced that it is in their interest to extend the mandate of the oil-for-food program to make use of the executed goods, which would save the Americans time from making new orders. Most of the Lebanese industrialists won the oil-for-food contracts for basic goods such as motors, cables and medicine. "Winning these contracts was good and bad," said Kabbara. "They helped usexpand our production lines and cut costs, but several companies cannot find a market as big as Iraq to dispense with these goods." Lebanese industrialists have long acknowledged they would never have been able to compete in the Iraqi market without the political backing of the Saddam Hussein regime that favored, in its last years, Arab countries over others. Unless Lebanese industrialists get paid for these pending contracts, the industry may begin to see more layoffs, particularly as a number of firms expanded their outlets just to cater to the Iraqi market. "The Iraqi contracts were important as they contributed to Lebanon's development by employing people and investing in the local economy," said Kabbara. http://www.bangkokpost.com/News/19May2003_news26.html * TURKEY EMERGES STRONGER FOR NOT BOWING TO US by Haldun Gulalp Bangkok Post, 19th May Turkey's seeming fall from grace with the US may turn out to be a blessing in disguise. The Iraq war and the tortured diplomacy that led up to it may help resolve Turkey's conflict between its "strategic alliance" with America and its drive to join the European Union. The elections last November that brought the Justice and Development party (AKP) to power were preceded by a dispute between the members of the then-ruling coalition over enacting the reforms demanded by the EU. Some liberal elements of that "secular" coalition resigned from the government and joined with the Islamists to push the reforms through parliament. After coming to power, the AKP's leaders, former Islamists who had reinvented themselves as "conservative democrats", energetically engaged with the United States, the EU and the United Nations on issues ranging from Cyprus to Iraq, from Kurdish language rights to other human rights issues within Turkey. Having suffered the oppressive practices of Turkey's "secular" state and recognising that human rights must be protected across the board, the AKP emerged as a credible interlocutor with the West. The US, preoccupied with the supposed spectre of a "clash of civilisations" between Islam and the West, saw the AKP's modern, Westernised face as an opportunity and urged the EU to admit Turkey. Today, both "conservative democrats" and liberals advocate passing all the reforms needed to gain accession to the EU, while opponents include extreme nationalists, of both left and right, as well as some elements of the "secular" establishment. The Europeans could have tipped the balance decisively in favour of the reformers by finally rewarding the efforts of the pro-EU Turks at last December's summit of EU leaders. Instead, the EU kept Turkey waiting yet again, putting off formal negotiations that, in any case, may take years to complete. Europe's persistent reluctance puts the Turks in a quandary. The Americans want full EU membership for Turkey _ a longstanding Nato member and close American ally _ while Europeans complain about the Turkish military's domestic political role. The paradox is that, by maintaining a political distance and thus limiting Turkey's options, Europe may end up reinforcing Turkey's status as a military outpost of the US. At least, that was how things were shaping up prior to the war in Iraq. Then, despite massive US pressure, Turkey's parliament unexpectedly rejected the government's proposal to allow US troops in Turkey to launch an invasion from Turkish territory. Turkey's refusal to grant the Americans access to military bases on its territory effectively ruled out a northern front in the war. The Turkish government even attempted a regional initiative for a peaceful solution to the crisis, an effort no current EU member could have contemplated. Parliament's rejection of US troops powerfully refutes suggestions that Turkey was primarily concerned about the size of the American aid package on offer as an inducement to cooperate. Suggestions that characterised the vote as revealing the government's true "Islamic" character ignore the fact that the only opposition party in parliament, the Republican People's party _ founded by Ataturk and still fully "secularist" _ voted against the plan. Likewise, other elements of Turkey's secular establishment, including the president and the military leadership, either opposed or were lukewarm, at best, to the idea of war in Iraq. Turkey's military initially remained silent on the issue, uncharacteristically watching the civilian political process unfold. By contrast, the military had earlier publicly criticised AKP initiatives on Cyprus. Their silence on Iraq reflected their apprehension about unwanted alternatives: either support the US plan and risk encouraging Kurdish moves towards an independent state, or oppose the Americans and jeopardise a critical strategic relationship. They chose to defer to the civilian leadership and to parliament which, in voting down the US plan, reflected overwhelming public sentiment against the war. Only after the vote did the chief of staff publicly endorse the original proposal to bring in American troops. In fact, the allegedly Islamic party had skilfully managed to negotiate with an unrelenting US, consult with the Turkish military and president, and share all information with the public and parliament. Walking a fine line in what was essentially a lose-lose situation, the party leadership laid out the stakes clearly and judiciously left the final decision to parliament. The outcome was a victory for Turkish democracy and was recognised as such internationally. After the US military action in Iraq, the tables may be turning in surprising ways. As America establishes itself in Iraq, Turkey's geopolitical military significance may decline. Yet the declared American aim of building a Muslim democracy in Iraq will only enhance Turkey's symbolic importance as a role model. This shift in Turkey's strategic role may also be reflected in a new domestic balance between the military and the forces pushing for reform. With careful management, Turkey may find itself drawing closer to Europe, while rebuilding its relationship with America. - Haldun Gulalp is professor of sociology at Bogazici University, Istanbul, Turkey, and is currently a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, DC. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Iraq Report Vol. 6, No. 22, 16 May 2003 * U.A.E. RED CRESCENT COMPLETES WATER PURIFICATION PROJECTS IN SOUTH... The United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) Red Crescent Society has completed several "Shaykh Zayed Water Purification Projects" in Iraq, the Emirates News Agency, WAM, reported on its website on 12 May (http://www.wam.org.ae/). Citing a statement by the U.A.E. Red Crescent Society, WAM reported that work on water-desalination plants was completed in Al-Basrah, Umm Al-Khasib, and Umm Qasr. As a result, 1 million gallons of drinking water is now available per day in the three cities. (Kathleen Ridolfo) http://www.dailystar.com.lb/opinion/21_05_03_a.asp * IRAQI BUSINESS HAS KEY ROLE TO PLAY - AND SO DO ARABS Lebanon Daily Star, 21st May Much of the debate over post-Saddam Hussein Iraq has centered on the proper roles of far away actors like Western governments and the United Nations in such key tasks as physical reconstruction and political rehabilitation. There is an urgent need for these outside responsibilities to be defined and distributed, and the chaos that has reigned since the guns fell mostly silent only adds to the urgency of the discussion. Unfortunately, however, two essential factors have been largely ignored: how to reanimate Iraq's private sector and how the country's Arab neighbors can help improve the situation. Iraqi business has a long and proud tradition of innovation, professionalism and reliability. Its industrial sector has accomplished feats only dimly imagined in most Third World countries; its merchants have developed highly effective distribution techniques to make the most of an eroding transportation sector; and its oil experts have worked wonders to keep the crude flowing despite the rapacious effects of stringent UN sanctions in place for well over a decade. The people in question, those recently returned from exile abroad and those who never left, have all the skills and dedication required to resurrect their country's economy. In order for the Iraqi private sector to fulfill its tremendous potential, though, a sound foundation must be built from which it can resume its activities. US and British administrators have yet to fill the vacuum opened up by the fall of the Baathist regime, leaving far too much uncertainty for private companies to plan and launch the bold activities that might spark renewed economic activity. There has not yet been time to complete a thoroughgoing examination of the regulatory environment and implement a comprehensive set of commercial laws, but US and British occupation authorities should at least strive to produce some basic guidelines and minimum guarantees that would sow the confidence required to justify investment and other risks. The Iraqis' natural partners in this venture will be their Arab cousins, but only if the latter can be stirred out of their general lethargy and a specific distaste for cooperation with the invaders. Any Arab who wants Iraq to be free of outside forces should keep in mind the fact that the best way to accelerate their departure is to help the country regain its stability. That can only be achieved by reviving the economy, a mission that stands to benefit mightily from Arab assistance and cooperation. Apart from doing nothing to help the Iraqi people themselves, walking away from this project would also be self-injurious for the Arab world at large. Any contracts that companies from Egypt and Saudi Arabia refuse to pursue will simply be gobbled up by their American and European competitors, sacrificing jobs and revenues for the sake of stubbornness. Iraq can be rebuilt and reshaped. Its own business community should be a central part of the process by which this takes place, and its Arab neighbors need to discard outdated notions of "saving face" by walking away from what is both a moral duty and a lucrative opportunity. However strong the reasons to resent the Anglo-American presence, arguments for full participation in the recovery effort are eminently more compelling. _______________________________________________ Sent via the discussion list of the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq. To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-discuss To contact the list manager, email casi-discuss-admin@lists.casi.org.uk All postings are archived on CASI's website: http://www.casi.org.uk